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IPtarg  of  l^fo-(SiTglitntr  Uistnrg 


No.  II 


CHURCH'S    PHILIP'S    WAR 


Part   I 


t- 

7 


■ .  «■     , 


. 


Sije  £)iston) 


King  Philip's  War 


By   BENJAMIN   CHURCH 


WITH      AN      INTRODUCTION      AND      NOTES 


By   HE  NET  MARTTN  DEXTER 


xL 


■   ■     .... 


Boston 

JOHN     KIMBALL     WIGGIN 


MDCC'CLXV 


No. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1865,  by 

JOHN    K.    WIGGIN 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts 


EDITION 


£foo  S&unoreo  anti  JRftg  Copies,  Small  ©uarta 
£fjtrt£=fioe,  Engal  ©uarto 


Press  of  John  Wilson  and  Son 


JOHN  GORHAM  PALFREY,  D.D.,  LL.D., 

WHO    ADDS    THE    MINUTE    AND    PATIENT    ACCURACY    OF    THE    ANTiqUARY   TO    THE 
BROAD    AND    PHILOSOPHICAL    INSIGHT    OF    THE    HISTORIAN  : 

AND   WHO    HAS,    MORE    FAITHFULLY   THAN   ANY   OTHER    WRITER,    CONCEIVED 

AND     DEFINED    THE    REAL     POSITION    OCCUPIED    BY    THE 

ABORIGINES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    IN    THE 

CIVIL    AND    SOCIAL    SCALE  ; 

Etjts  CEtrition  of  a  tjomcljj  cut  inbaluafcle  Erart, 

HAVING  LARGE  REFERENCE  TO  THEM, 

Is,  by  Permission,  most  respeclfuUy  Inscribed. 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


HE  need  of  the  literal  reprint  of  so  valuable  a 
contribution  to  the  history  of  New  England 
as  Church's  "Entertaining  Passages  re- 
lating to  Philip's  War,"  has  been  widely 
felt;  and  the  more,  because  the  re-issue  of  1772,  from 
which  all  later  editions  have  been  copied,  was  defective  in 
some  important  particulars  affecting  the  use  of  the  work 
as  an  historical  authority.  Two  instances  of  this  may 
be  here  particularized;  viz.,  where  (page  18)  the  words 
occurring  on  page  10,  "and  of  the  black  Rocks  to  the 
Southward  of  them,"  offering  an  important  hint  of  tli£ 
exact  locality  of  the  "  pease-field  fight,"  were  dropped  out 
altogether;  and  where  (page  30)  the  words  occurring  on 
page  17,  "in  about  a  Months  time,"  were  reprinted  "in 
about  three  months'  time,"  thus  seeming  to  hint  an  expedi- 
tion into  the  Nipmuk  country  in  March,  1676,  referred  to 
by  no  other  writer.     The  endeavor  has  accordingly  been 


PREFATORY    NOTE. 

made  to  put  the  purchaser  of  this  edition  in  possession  of 
as  exact  a  reproduction  of  the  original  of  1716,  as  it  has 
been  possible  for  modern  antique  types  and  skill  to  do; 
the  minuteness  of  the  imitation  having  been  designed  to 
be  extended  to  every  misprint,  mispunctuation,  and  even 
inverted  comma,  —  of  which  the  word  "  discocovered  " 
(page  31,  line  11  from  the  top),  the  word  PI  mouth  (page 
140,  line  8  from  the  bottom),  and  very  many  other  seem- 
ing blunders  of  the  printers  of  this  edition,  will  be  found 
to  be  only  faithful  illustrations. 

In  the  Notes,  the  endeavor  has  been  made  to  straighten 
the  involved  and  crooked  chronology  from  other  sources; 
to  identify  the  exact  localities  made  for  ever  classic  by 
their  association  with  this  rude  warfare;  to  give  some 
account,  from  contemporary  records,  of  the  various  actors ; 
and,  generally,  to  shed  all  possible  light  upon  the  narrative. 

Familiar  with  most  of  the  country  traversed  over  by 
the  story,  from  a  childhood  that  was  fascinated  by  the 
graphic  simplicity  of  Church's  description  of  his  cam- 
paigns, the  Editor  indulges  the  hope  that  he  may  have 
done  something  to  aid  future  readers  of  these  "  Entertain- 
ing Passages  "  to  comprehend  them  in  their  exactness  of 
time  and  place  and  circumstance. 

The  original,  from  which  this  reprint  is  made,  —  now 
a  very  rare  volume,  —  was  printed  in  small  quarto,  pp.  120, 
in   Boston,   in    17 16,   by  B.   Green.      A   second    edition, 


PREFATORY    NOTE. 

itself  now  becoming  rare,  was  published  fifty-six  years 
after  at  Newport,  R.I.,  in  1772,  by  Solomon  Southwick, 
in  small  8vo,  pp.  199.  It  is  made  clear  from  the  Diary* 
of  Rev.  Ezra  Stiles,  D.D.,  (then  Pastor  of  the  Second 
Congregational  Church  in  Newport),  that  he  aided 
Southwick,  and  really  edited  the  volume. 

The  following  extracts  bear  upon  the  subject;  viz, — 

"  1771.     Dec.  18. Correcting  the  press  for  Col.   Church's 

Hist,  of  K.  Philip's  War  in  1675. 

"  1771.     Dec.  19 Reviewing  Col.  Benj.  Church's  History  of 

K.  Philip's  War,  1676,  at  the  request  of  the  printer  ;  —  adding  English 
or  present  Names  of  places  written  in  Indian  names  in  the  Original. 
Mr.  Southwick  is  printing  a  Second  Edition  ;  first  Edit.  171S  [iSzV]. 

"  i772-  Apr.  9 Finished  writing  the  Life  of  Col.  Benja- 
min Church,  to  be  affixed  to  the  new  Edition  of  his  History  of  the 
Indian  war,  called  K.  Philip's  War,  now  printing.  He  was  born  1639, 
and  died  at  Little  Compton,  Janry.  171^,  ^Et.  78. 

"  1772.     Apr.  10 Inspecting  the  Press." 

Dr.  Stiles  appended  to  the  volume,  also,  an  "  Ode 
Heroica,"  which  \N.  E.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Reg--,  xi.  155]  was 
composed  by  Benjamin  Church  of  Boston,  "Vendue- 
master,"  son  of  the  old  Colonel's  son  Edward,  who  was 
also  a  "  Vendue-master,"  —  as  that  age  styled  the  useful 
person  whom  we  call  an  Auctioneer,  —  and  was  father  of 
Dr.  Benjamin,  of  sad  Tory  memory.     He  not  only  glori- 

*  This  Diary  is  now  in  the  Library      Stiles  was  President  at   the   time   of 
of  Yale    College,  of   which    Rev.  Dr.      his  death. 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 

fled  his  grandfather  in  a  tongue  unknown  to  the  brave  old 
warrior  (although,  as  he  wrote  Dr.  Stiles,  "  almost  too 
old  for  such  juvenile  attempts;  being  upwards  of  67"), 
but  furnished  the  Do6lor  with  the  materials  for  the  biog- 
raphy of  the  Colonel. 

The  glorification  was  as  follows:  — 

"ODE     HEROIC  A, 

"  [a  Nepote  Hero'is  composita] 
"  BlOGRAPHIAE    PRAECEDENTI    AFFIGENDA    SIT. 

«  TV  Tunc  permitte  Nepos  Lector,  magnalia  Avi  ejus, 
-i-^l     Et  vitam  ut  breviter  caneret,  quoq  ;  pauca  loquendo, 
Traduce  de  veteri,  celebrata  et,  versibus,  ex  quo 
Magnanimusq  ;  Heros  frondebat :  deinde  locoque  : 
Quo  fuit  intrepidus  Phoenix,  memorandus  et  ortus  ! 
Agricola  eece  Pater  manuum  gaudebat  in  omni 
Tumve  labore  suo,  nutritus  frugibus  Arvi ! 
Mater  pauperibus  curas,  casusq  ;  relaxans, 
Omnibus  afflictis  passim  mater  fuit  alma  ! 
Numinis  arbitrioq ;  bono,  sine  murmure  mentis, 
Acquievere,  suis  contenti  sortibus  ambo  — 
Cordibus  elatis,  gratiq  ;  fuere  Parentes, 
Filius  ut  talis  mortalibus  hisce  daretur ! 
Qui  patriaeq  ;  suae  perluxit  gloria  longe, 
Donee  erat  viclus  truculentae  mortis  ab  ictu  ! 
Duxburiae  dictum  est,  Genioq  ;   fuisse  beatum 
Oppidum,  et  exultans,  tanto  quod  munere  Martis 
Distinctum  fuerat !     Vicinis  majus  ab  illo  ! 
Historicus  supra  probiter  canit  arma  virumq  ; 
Quiq  ;  erat  in  pugna  multis,  magnisq  ;  periclis 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 

Expositus  !     Natos  nemoris  fuscosve  secutus 
Armipotens  ;  sylvas,  Dumosq  ;  arbustaq  ;  densa 
Pervolitans,  nigros  scloppo  ejus  perdidit  Angues 
Monstraq  ;  quos  natura  parens  crudelia  dixit ! 
Vicloriisq  ;  suis  pacem  stabilivit  in  Orbis 
Terrarum  occasu — jam,  jam  sub  vitibus  omnis 
Hie  sedeat  salvus  —  terrore  absente  Mavortis  ! 
Mortuus  est  Heros  !     Nomen  sed  vivet  in  aevum  — 
Spiritus  ascendit  Coelos,  Jesuq  ;  triumphans  ; 
Dum  latet  in  tumulo  corpus  cum  pulvere  mixtum  ! 

Sic  cecinit  Nefios  Benj.  Church,  Sen." 

This  edition  was  also  adorned  with  what  purported  to 
be  portraits,  on  copper,  of  Colonel  Church,  and  of  King 
Philip,  both  from  the  graver  of  Paul  Revere  ;  of 
which  more  will  be  said  in  another  place. 

The  third  edition  of  this  winsome  narrative  was  edited, 
fifty-three  years  later,  by  Mr.  Samuel  Gardner  Drake, 
and  was  the  first  contribution  of  that  since  accomplished 
archaeologist  to  this  department  of  Aboriginal  research; 
in  which,  without  injustice  to  others,  it  may  safely  be 
said  that  he  has  no  superior.  Travelling  through  the  Old 
Colony  in  the  summer  of  1824,  he,  for  the  first  time,  saw 
\N.E.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Reg.,  xvii.  202],  and  became  pos- 
sessor of,  a  copy  of  Southwick's  reprint;  and,  circulating 
proposals,  he  obtained  nearly  a  thousand  subscribers  for 
a  new  issue.  He  published  in  i2mo  (Boston:  Howe  and 
Norton,  14,  State  Street,  1825),  pp.  304;  prefixing  eight 
pages  of  Index,  and  two  pages  of  Introduction,  and  adding 


PREFATORY    NOTE. 

an  Appendix  of  forty  pages,  comprising  a  brief  sketch  of 
the  settlement  of  this  country,  of  the  Indian  wars,  &c,  &c. 
It  was  mainly  a  reprint  of  Southwick'S  edition,  —  the  editor 
having  then  never  seen  the  original,  —  with  the  omission 
of  the  "  Ode  Heroica,"  and  the  addition  of  a  few  foot- 
notes. It  was  embellished  with  a  fancy  portrait  of  King 
Philip,  decidedly  more  prepossessing  in  appearance,  and 
quite  as  authentic  in  character,  as  that  of  Paul  Revere 
of  a  half-century  before. 

The  success  of  this  effort  was  so  marked  as  to  induce 
Mr.  Drake  to  prepare  and  issue  a  second  edition  (the 
fourth  of  the  work),  which  he  did,  early  in  1827,  from 
stereotype  plates;  being  among  the  first  fruits  of  the  ste- 
reotype press  in  Boston.  This,  also,  was  in  i2mo,  pp. 
360.  He  added  many  more  notes,  and  gave  an  Introduc- 
tion of  five  pages,  an  Index  of  six  pages,  and  an  Appendix 
of  sixty-eight  pages,  of  the  same  general  character  as  that 
of  the  previous  edition,  but  rewritten  and  enlarged.  The 
old  head,  purporting  to  be  a  likeness  of  Church,  was 
re-engraved  for  this  issue,  and  other  plates  were  added. 

All  the  (nominally  new)  editions  of  this  work,  from 
that  time  to  the  present,  have  been  re-issues  of  this  last; 
the  plates  having  long  since  passed  out  of  Mr.  Drake's 
hands,  and  having  been  used  by  various  publishers. 

The  present  is,  therefore,  the  fourth  reprint  (fifth 
edition)   of  these  "  Entertaining  Passages,"  and  the   first 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

from  the  original,  —  as  well  as  the  first  which  has  not 
avowedly  sought  to  amend  the  text. 

The  map  has  been  adapted  from  the  State  map,  by  the 
Editor,  with  great  care,  from  his  own  personal  knowledge 
of  the  ground;  and  he  believes  it  to  be  a  thoroughly  accu- 
rate guide  to  all  those  localities  which  it  purports  to  point 
out. 

The  dates  have  been  suffered  to  stand  in  Old  Style,  as 
written. 

The  Publisher  has  sought  to  produce  this  copy,  so  far 
as  possible,  \n  facsimile  of  the  original,  as  well  as  in  literal 
exactness;  and  the  headings,  initial  letters,  &c,  &c,  have 
been  accordingly  engraved  for  that  purpose. 

It  only  remains,  here,  that  just  thanks  be  given  to  all 
who  have  aided  the  Editor  in  his  labor :  among  whom 
he  would  gratefully  mention  the  Hon.  John  Russell 
Bartlett,  Secretary  of  State  of  Rhode  Island;  his 
Honor,  Judge  William  R.  Staples,  of  Providence; 
General  G.  M.  Fessenden,  of  Warren,  R.  L;  Richard 
Sherman,  Esq.,  of  Portsmouth,  R.  I.  ;  Mr.  Henry 
M.  Tompkins,  the  Town  Clerk  of  Little  Compton, 
R.  I.;  Hon.  Williams  Latham,  of  Bridgewater,  Mass.; 
Samuel  F.  Haven,  Esq.,  Librarian  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society  in  Worcester,  Mass. ;  Rev.  John 
Langdon  Sibley,  Librarian  of  Harvard  College ;  and 
Mr.  George  H.  Taber,  of  Fairhaven,  Mass.     Two  gen- 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

tlemen  deserve  more  special  mention  for  the  unwearied 
pains  they  have  taken  to  aid  the  Editor  in  some  portions 
of  the  work;  viz.,  his  friend  and  kinsman,  Mr.  Franklin 
B.  Dexter,  now  Tutor  in  Yale  College,  to  whom  he  owes 
the  extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Dr.  Stiles,  the  identifi- 
cation of  the  site  of  John  Cook's  house  in  Cushnet,  and 
other  kindred  helps;  and  the  Hon.  J.  Hammond  Trum- 
bull, Secretary  of  State  of  Connecticut,  to  whose  disinter- 
ested and  indefatigable  aid  much  of  what  may  be  thought 
to  be  of  special  value  in  the  work  will  be  largely  due. 
The  Editor  knows  nothing  about  the  Indian  tongue;  and 
the  reader  is  desired  to  take  notice  here,  once  for  all,  that 
for  all  the  interesting  and  valuable  suggestions  ha\dng 
reference  to  that,  which  are  scattered  through  the  book, 
his  thanks  will  be  wholly  due  to  the  learning  and  gen- 
erosity of  that  eminent  savan. 

It  has  not  been  found  possible  —  without  too  great 
enlargement  of  the  volume  —  to  insert  herein  the  Second 
Part  of  the  original  work,  giving  "  a  further  account  of 
the  Actions  in  the  more  later  Wars  against  the  Common 
Enemy  and  Indian  Rebels  in  the  Eastern  Parts,  under  the 
Command  of  the  aforesaid  Capt.  Benj.  Church; "  which 
makes  sixty-six  of  the  solidest  quarto  pages.  That  is  in 
preparation,  and  will  follow  as  a  separate  issue. 

H.  M.  D. 

Hillside,   Roxbury, 
15th  July,  1865. 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 


N  his  preface  to  thefe  "  Entertaining  Paffages," 
Colonel  Church  makes  the  apologetic  remark, 
that  "  every  particle  of  hiftorical  truth  is  pre- 
cious." That  remark  has  been  conftantly  in 
mind  in  the  preparation  of  what  follows,  having  refer- 
ence to  events  in  the  hiftor}^  of  this  limple-hearted,  yet 
noble-hearted  man.  It  would  be  more  exa6t  to  ftyle  what 
is  here  offered  "  Materials  toward  a  Memoir,"  than  fuch 
a  Memoir  itfelf.  Moft  of  the  official  records  in  which 
various  actions  of  his  bufy  life  would  naturally  leave  their 
footmarks,  have  been  fearched,  and  their  various  references 
to  his  career  have  been  gathered  together  and  arranged 
chronologically  here;  fo  as  to  put  the  reader  in  poffeffion 
of  thefe  fragmentary,  yet  faithful,  evidences  of  what  he 
was.  The  man  himfelf  has  exhaled;  but  fome  rude  im- 
preffion  of  him  remains  in  them,  which  may  ferve  as  a 
matrix    in    which    imagination    may    fhape    fome    image; 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

which,  if  far  from  being  a  reproduction  of  the  perfon 
whom  his  cotemporaries  knew,  muft  yet  have  some  fac- 
limile  lineaments.  The  humble  office  of  the  editor  is  to 
furnifh  the  mould;  leaving  to  the  reader  the  re-creative 
work. 

Benjamin  Church  was  a  fon  of  Richard.  Richard 
came  to  MafTachufetts  probably  in  the  fleet  with  Gov. 
Winthrop;*  was  a  carpenter  by  trade;  19  061.  1630, 
was  propounded  to  be  a  freeman  in  the  MafTachufetts 
Colony;  in  1630,  was  at  WefTaguffet  and  Plymouth;  2 
Jan.  163!  was  freeman  of  Plymouth;  16  Feb.  163!  hired 
William  Baker  to  faw  timber  into  boards  for  him;  was 
"rated  for  public  ufe  "  £1  16s.  in  March  following,  and 
£1  7 j.  the  next  year;  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of 
Richard  Warren,  in  1636;  was  often  a  member  of  the 
"Grand  Enqueft,"  and  was  occafionally  made  referee; 
ferved  as  fergeant  in  the  Pequotwar;  with  John  Tompfon 
helped  build  the  firft  meeting-houfe  ( as  fuch )  in  Ply- 
mouth about  1637;  lived  at  Eel-river;  9  April,  1649,  fold 
his  eftate  there  to  Robert  Bartlet  for  £25 ;  was  in  Charlef- 
town  in  1653,  but  finally  fettled  down  in  Hinghani,  where 
he  made  his  will  25  Dec.  1668,  and  died  two  days  after,  at 
Dedham,  leaving  at  leaft  nine  children.f 

*  Savage's   Gen.  Did.  i :  3S6 ;  Win-      JV.  E.  Hiji.  &  Gen.  Reg.  xi :  154 ;  Plym. 
for's    Duxbury,    245;     Deane's    Scitu-       Col.  Rec.'w  6,8,  11,  xii :  165,  &c.  &c. 
ate,  234;  Mitchell's  Bridgewater,  363;  f  Church  fpeaks  [2?.  C.  D.  i :  91]  of 

xvi 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

Benjamin  was  born  at  Plymouth  in  1639,  and  was  bred 
to  his  father's  trade.  No  other  circumftance  of  his  early- 
life  has  found  record.  26  Dec.  1667,  —  when  at  the  age  of 
twenty  feven  or  eight,  - —  he  married  Alice,  fecond  daugh- 
ter of  Conftant  and  Elizabeth  (  Collier )  Southworth,  of 
Duxbury;  who  was  then  not  far  from  twenty-one,  having 
been  born  in  1646.  It  is  prefumed  that  their  early  married 
life  was  paffed  in  Duxbury,  though  it  is  probable  that  he 
was  temporarily  relident  in  various  portions  of  the  Colony, 
in  the  purfuit  of  his  vocation.  His  firft  appearance  upon 
the  Plymouth  Colony  Records  is  25  Oct..  1668,  when  [P. 
C.  R.  vii:  150]  he  is  named  as  on  a  trial  jury  in  the 
cafe  of  Jofias  Winflow  vs.  Kenelm,  and  in  that  of  John 
Doged. 

1  June,  1669,  lefs  than  fix  months  after  his  father's  death, 
the  Court  granted  him  "  land  att  Taunton  River  "  which 
William  Pabodie  had  taken  up  and  then  furrendered,  \P. 
C.  R.  v:  20]  "for  full  fatisfa6tion  for  all  the  right  his 
father,  Richard  Church,  deceafed,  hath  to  land  in  this 
Collonie." 

7  March  1670  \P.  C.  R.  vii:  163],  he  was  one  of  a  petit 
jury  at  Plymouth  for  the  trial  of  feveral  actions.  29  May, 
1670,  [P.  C.  R.  v:  275],  his  name  appears  upon  the  lift  of 


Sarah,   wife   of  James    Burroughs,    of     publifhed  lift  of  Richard's  children  which 
Briftol,  tailor,  as  his  filter,  though  no      I    have   feen.      [iV.  E.  Hiji.   and  Gen. 
fuch    name    appears    upon    the    fulleft      Reg.  xi :  154.] 
c  xvii 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

freemen  of  "  Duxburrow,"  then  tranfcribed  by  Secretary 
Morton. 

5  June,  1 67 1  [P.  C.  R.  v:  54],  he  was  Conftable  of 
"  Duxburro." 

30  Oflober,  1672  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  174],  he  was  one  of  a 
trial  jury  at  Plymouth,  for  the  fecuring  of  juftice  in 
feveral  criminal  cafes. 

4  July,  1673  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  181],  he  was  one  of  a  trial 
jury  at  Plymouth  for  eight  civil  and  criminal  cafes.  He 
alfo  made  return  [P.  C.  R.  v:  126],  with  John  Rogers, 
Daniell  Wilcockes,  Conftant  Southworth,  William  Pa- 
bodie  and  Edward  Gray,  that,  purfuant  to  the  order  of  the 
Court,  they  had  bounded  out  "  the  fouthfyde  of  thofe  lands 
formerly  graunted  vnto  the  inhabitants  of  Plymouth  at 
Punckateefett"  &c.  At  the  fame  time  [P.  C.  R.  v:  126], 
liberty  was  granted  him  with  John  Tompfon,  by  the  Court 
to  purchafe  land  of  "  Tufpaquine,  the  blacke  fachem,  and 
William  his  Son,  for  the  inhabitants  and  propriators  of  the 
towne  of  Middleberry,"  &c.  The  proprietors  were  to  have 
until  the  laft  of  the  November  following,  to  repay  Church 
and  Tompfon,  and  take  the  land;  but  it  appears  [Ibid,  146], 
that  they  failed  to  do  fo,  and  that  the  Court,  3  June,  1674, 
granted  Church  and  Tompfon  "  one  third  p*  of  the  faid 
land,  for  theire  cecuritie  and  evidence."  23  July,  1673 
[Proprietors  Records  Saco7tef\,  he  met  with  the  newly 
organized    Company  to    purchafe   and   fettle   the    Saconet 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

lands;  appearing  in  the  right  of  Richard  Bifhop  and 
Richard  Beare.  Sometime  in  this  year  his  oldeft  fon 
Thomas  was  born. 

10  April,  1674  [P.  R.  S.\  the  Saconet  company  met 
at  Duxbury,  and  Church  drew  the  lots  numbered  19  and 
29.  He  proceeded  during  the  fummer  following  to  clear 
and  erect  buildings  upon  lot  No.  19  (fee  note  21  poft}. 

2  March,  167I  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  195],  he  was  on  a  trial  jury 
at  Plymouth,  mowing  that  his  removal  to  the  very  outfkirts 
of  the  Colony  was  not  defigned,  by  him  or  by  the  Colonifts, 
to  diffociate  him  from  their  conftant  fervice.  Church's 
own  account  of  himfelf  in  connection  with  the  outbreak  of 
the  war  which  now  began  to  defolate  the  land  feems  to 
begin  about  15  June,  1675  [note  14,  pq/t\,  but  the  "Brief!:' 
Narrative  of  the  beginning  and  progreffe  of  the  prfent 
trouble  between  vs  and  the  Indians,"  fubmitted  to  the 
Commiffioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  by  the  Ply- 
mouth Commiilioners,  in  the  November  following,  and 
which  bears  the  marks  of  having  been  carefully  drawn, 
fays  [P.  C.  R.  x:  363],  "on  the  7th  June,  Mr.  Benjamine 
Church  being  on  Rhod  Ifland;  Weetamoe  and  fome  of  her 
Cheiffe  men  told  him  that  Phillip  Intended  a  warr  fpeedily 
with  the  Englifh,"  &c.  It  would  feem  to  have  been  about 
15  June  that  he  had  an  interview  with  Awafhonks  and 
Weetamoe,  as  narrated  in  his  own  account,  and  went  to 
Plymouth  to  fee  the  Governor.     The  Punkatees  fight  was 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

9  July;  19  July  the  PocafTet  Expedition  began:  in  the  laft 
of  that  month,  Philip  got  acrofs  Titicut  river  in  the  night, 
and  fled  for  the  Nipmuk  country.  27  October  [P.  C.  R. 
vii:  196],  thefe  warlike  proceedings  were  interfperfed  with 
a  civil  fuit  againft  Church,  of  Richard  French  of  Marfh- 
field,  Executor  of  the  eftate  of  Richard  Beare,  claiming 
damages  of  \os,  in  an  action  of  debt,  concerning  which 
the  record  is,  "  the  jury  find  for  the  plaintiffe  the  coft  of 
the  fuite."  The  fecond  week  in  December,  Church  fharts 
for  the  war  again  as  "  a  Reformado  "  with  Gen.  Winflow, 
and  on  the  19th  of  that  month  was  wounded  in  the 
famous  Narraganfett  fwamp  fight,  and  carried  over  to 
Rhode-Ifland  to  be  cured. 

27  January,  1676  (note  140,  pq/f),  he  ftarted  with  the 
army  for  the  Nipmuk  country;  29  Feb.  (note  i$2,pq/Z),  he 
feems  to  have  met  with  the  Plymouth  Council  of  War,  at 
Marfhfleld;  n-13  March  (note  i$9,po/f),  arrived  at  Capt. 
Almy's,  on  Rhode-Ifland,  with  his  wife  and  fon  Thomas; 
12  May,  his  fon  Conftant  was  born;  6  June,  he  arrived 
at  Plymouth  by  way  of  Wood's  Hole;  foon  went  back 
the  fame  way,  faw  the  Saconet  Indians  on  the  rocks,  and 
procured  a  formal  meeting  with  AwafJionks,  refulting  in  a 
treaty,  and,  25  June,  difpatched  Peter  to  Plymouth  with 
the  "Articles";  met  Maj.  Bradford  and  his  army,  re- 
turned to  Plymouth,  and  went  to  meet  Awafhonks  at  Mat- 
tapoifett,    8  July;    was    commiffioned,    and    went   out   to 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

capture  the  Monponfets,  10  July;  24  July,  had  his  cora- 
miffion  enlarged,  and  ftarted  to  guard  the  carts  to  Taun- 
ton, whence  he  went  to  Acujlinet,  and  captured  many 
prifoners,  and  returned  to  Plymouth  by  way  of  Sippican ; 
30  July,  ftarted  for  Bridgewater,  chafed  Philip  over  into 
the  fwamps  in  Norton  and  Rehoboth,  and  took  many  prif- 
oners, with  whom  he  got  fafe  back  to  Plymouth,  4  Au- 
guft; 7  Auguft,  he  "rallied"  for  Dartmouth,  and  by  10 
Auguft  ftarted  for  Pocajjfet  woods,  went  over  to  the  ifland, 
and  down  to  Maj.  Sanford's  to  fee  his  wife,  and  next 
morning  killed  Philip  in  the  fwamp  fouth  of  Mount-Hope, 
and  got  back  to  Plymouth  on  the  17th;  early  in  Septem- 
ber, he  fet  his  fuccefsful  trap  for  Tifpaquin,  and  foon 
ftarted  out  once  more  after  Annawon,  whom  he  took  on 
the  night  of  1 1  September.  17  October,  the  Maffachufetts 
General  Court  wrote  to  Plymouth  [Afa/s.  Col.  Rec.  v:  126] 
afking  to  be  affifted  againft  the  Eaftern  Indians  "  with  fome 
Englifh,  &  alfo  fome  of  your  Indians,  and  Capt.  Church, 
whom  we  have  fpoken  with  here  &  finde  him  ready  to 
ferve  God  and  the  country,  &c";  1  November,  he  was 
appointed  [P.  C.  R.  v:  215]  by  Plymouth  Court,  with 
William  Pabodie  and  Nathaniel  Thomas,  to  lay  out  lands 
granted  to  David  and  Thomas  Lake  near  Saconet  and  Pun- 
kateajl ;  alfo,  with  the  fame,  to  lay  out  fome  lands  in  aid  of 
a  ferry  at  Pocajfet;  while  he  and  John  Simmons  are  granted 
[Ibid.  216]  a  leafe  for  pafturage  at  PocaJfcL     4  November 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

[P.  C.  R.  xi:  242],  the  Court  ordered  as  follows:  "  Cap- 
taine  Beniamen  Church  haueing;  for  and  in  the  behalfe  of 
the  Collonie,  engaged  to  feuerall  Indians;  about  fiue  or 
six;  That  incase  they  did  carry  well  they  fhould  abide  in 
this  Jurifdi6tion;  and  not  fold  to  any  fforraigne  prtes;  ac- 
cordingly this  Court  doth  confeirme  the  faid  engagement 
and  doth  hereby  tollarate  theire  fhay  as  aforfaid;  notwith- 
ftanding  any  law  of  this  Collonie  to  the  contrary;  except- 
ing; if  any  of  them  mould  appeer  to  haue  had  a  hand  in 
any  horred  murder  of  any  of  the  Englifh  prticularly  ex- 
cepting one  Croffman;  whoe  is  accufed  to  haue  had  a 
fpeciall  hand  in  the  crewell  murder  of  Mr  Hezekiah  Wil- 
lett" 

15  January,  167I,  Capt.  Church  was  commiffioned  again 
by  the  Plymouth  government,  and  went  out  again  and 
[p.  i8i,flo/Z]  took  "divers  parties  of  Indians."  6  March 
[P.  C.  R.  v:  225],  the  Plymouth  Court  granted  leave  to 
eight  of  Church's  Indian  foldiers  to  fettle  at  Saconet,  he 
fupplying  them  with  land,  on  condition  that  they  hold 
themfelves  ready  for  military  fervice  under  him,  "  hee, 
fatisfying  the  Indians,  to  haue  the  whole  prophett  of  fuch 
an  adventure."  7  June  \P.  C.  R.  v:  234],  he  is  author- 
ized to  a6t  as  a  magiftrate  to  iffue  warrants,  &c,  at  Saco- 
net  and  Pocajfet ;  13  July  [Ibid.  242],  he  is  recognized  by 
the  Court  as  agent  of  the  widow  of  Daniel  Haward,  for 
the   management   of  the    lands   of  her   late   hufband;    30 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

October  [Ibid.  246;  vii:  208],  he  was  on  a  trial  jury  at 
Plymouth. 

5  March,  167I,  he  was  appointed  by  the  Court  [P.  C.  R. 
v:  252],  with  John  Richmond  of  Taunton,  to  divide  fome 
land  at  Saconet  belonging  to  children  of  the  late  John 
Irifh;  5  July  [/did.  265],  he  was  empowered,  by  fpecial 
order,  to  adminifter  to  John  Irifh  the  oath  to  ferve  as  con- 
ftable  at  Saconet. 

8  March,  1 6 7 1  [P.  C.  R.  vi:  7]  he  was  re-appointed  to 
be  a  magiftrate  for  Saconet  and  PocaJ/ct. 

4  March,  1679  [Briftol  County  (Mafs.)  Deeds,  ii:  144], 
he  buys  of  Arthur  Hathaway  of  Dartmouth,  for  £16,  one 
fhare  in  Punkateajl  neck,  with  one  fhare  of  the  Court  grant 
of  which  faid  neck  was  a  part;  fame  date  [Ibid,  ii:  146],  he 
buys  a  limilar  fhare  of  Edward  Gray  of  Plymouth,  for  £12. 

1  January,  i6|f  [Ibid,  ii:  143],  he  bought  a  limilar  fhare 
of  Richard  Wright,  tailor,  of  New  Plymouth,  for  40^. 
Sometime  before  March  of  this  year,  with  feven  others 
[Proceedings  of  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc,  Sept.  1857,  238],  he  be- 
came a  purchafer  of  PocaJ/et  lands,  and  agreed  to  endeavor 
the  well  fettling  of  a  plantation  there,  and  to  "  joine  with 
Succonnitt  Proprietors  in  the  calling  of  a  Gospell  Mineter 
&  for  his  incouragement  as  to  his  outward  fubfiftence 
&c";  7  July  [P.  C.  R.  vi:  43],  he  was  appointed,  with 
Nathaniel  Thomas  and  William  Pabodie,  "  to  bound  out 
Tatamanucki s  thoufand  acres  of  land  att  or  about  Saco- 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

nett";  14  Sept.  \BriJlol,  R.-L,  Town  Records,  i:  26],  he 
figned  and  fealed  the  "  Grand  Articles  "  for  the  fettlement 
of  Briftol,  R.-I. 

1  March,  168^  [P.  C.  R.  vi:  58],  with  Nathaniel  Thomas 
and  Edward  Gray,  he  petitioned  to  have  the  lines  run 
between  their  Pocaffet  purchafe  and  the  "  freemen's  land  " 
at  Fall  River,  and  the  Court  ordered  William  Pabodie  to 
do  it;  7  July,  1681  [P.  C.  R.  vi:  69],  he  was  authorized 
by  the  Court  "  to  cutt  and  cleare  "  a  more  direct  way  from 
Mount-Hope  to  Bofton,  there  being  "great  need"  of  one; 
at  the  fame  Court  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  241],  he,  with  others,  by 
N.  Thomas,  their  attorney,  fued  David  Lake  for  £500,  for 
interrupting  them  from  quiet  and  peaceable  pofTeffion  of 
their  Pocaffet  lands;  1  Sept.  \B.  T.  R.  i:  46],  the  firfl  pro- 
prietors of  the  Mount-Hope  purchafe  met  (76  in  number, 
"  Capt.  Benjamin  Church"  heading  the  lift),  and  agreed 
that  the  name  of  the  town  fhould  be  Briftol;  10  Nov.  [B. 
T.  R.  i :  49],  with  N.  Byfield  and  Sergeant  John  Cary,  he 
was  appointed  to  make  a  rate  upon  the  new  town. 

7  March,  i68i  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  247],  he,  with  others,  by 
N.  Thomas,  attorney,  fued  William  Earle  of  Dartmouth 
for  forcibly  hindering  the  running  of  the  boundary  line  of 
the  Pocaffet  purchafe;  22  May,  1682  \B.  T.  R.  i:  49],  he 
was  chofen  Deputy  to  reprefent  Briftol  in  the  Colony 
Court,  and  flrft  Selectman  for  the  year  enfuing;  7  July 
\_P.  C.  R.  vi:  93],  he  was  commiffioned  as  a  magiftrate, 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

and  authorized  to  folemnize  marriages;  27  06t.  [P.  C.  R. 
vii:  257],  he  made  an  official  return  to  the  Court  covering 
the  teftimony  of  Wayewett  (Awafhonkis  hufband)  and 
three  other  Saconet  Indians,  that  to  their  knowledge  the 
little  ifland  of  Chejfawanucke  (Hog  Ifland)  belonged  to 
Majffafoit  and  his  fon    Wamfutta. 

28  May,  1683  [B.  T.  R.  i:  51],  he  was  re-elected  Dep- 
uty? 5  July  \_B.  C.  D.  ii:  146],  with  Wm.  Pabodie  of 
Little  Compton,  he  agrees  that  the  23d  lot  at  Saconet 
mould  be  his;  7  July  [P.  C.  R.  vii:  263],  John  Saffin,  mer- 
chant, fues  him  for  £100,  for  "darning  a  certain  water- 
courfe  into  a  coue  on  Poppafqua/Ji  necke";  24  Oct.  [B.  T. 
R.  i:  54],  he  agrees  with  the  voters  of  Briftol  to  make 
three  wolf-pits  in  a  month's  time,  and,  with  others,  was 
clothed  "  with  full  power  in  the  towne's  behalf  in  refer- 
ence to  rates  now  due  from  Mr.  J.  Saffin";  31  061.  [P.  C. 
R.  vii:  269],  Saffin  complained  to  the  Court  of  him  and 
his  affociate  raters  of  damage  of  £24  for  unjuft  afTeffment, 
but  the  Court  found  for  defendants,  and  affeffed  Saffin  £4 
5^-.  cofts  of  Court;  fame  date,  fame  Saffin  fued  Church  for 
£80,  for  the  old  caufe  of  "  darning "  his  creek,  and  the 
jury  found  for  Saffin  £3   and  cofts. 

3  March,  i68|  [B.  T.  R.  i:  43],  he  agrees  with  Nathaniel 
Byfield  to  maintain  a  fence  of  393  rods  in  length,  between 
their  farms,  each  to  build  and  keep  in  repair  i960  rods; 
9  Feb.  1684  [B.  CD.  i:  311],  he  buys  of  John  Walley 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

and  others,  for  £10,  certain  houfe-lots,  &c,  &c.,  in  Briftol; 
20  Feb.  [Ibid.  309],  he  buys  of  the  fame  parties,  for  £87, 
feveral  houfe-lots  and  other  lands,  with  TV  of  a  mill,  and  yV 
of  the  "ferry  farm,"  in  Briftol;  26  March  [Briftol  Births, 
i:  56],  his  then  only  daughter,  Elizabeth,  was  born;  21  May 
[B.  T.  R.  i:  55],  he  was  re-chofen  Deputy,  and  elected 
third  Selectman;  16  Sept.  [Ibid.  57],  with  Capt.  Walley, 
he  was  chofen  "for  the  ufing  endeavors  to  bring  £5,  from 
next  October  Court  of  the  Cape  money  for  the  Incourage- 
ment  of  a  School-mafter  ";  13  November  [B.  C.  D.  i:  50], 
he  effected  the  divilion  of  the  Haward  land  in  Saconet,  to 
which  he  had  been  appointed  by  the  Court;  28  Novem- 
ber \_B.  C.  D.  i:  181],  he  fells,  for  £45,  to  Rowland  Rob- 
infon  of  Newport  the  24th  lot  at  Saconet,  and  40  acres  at 
Tyonfunbe. 

23  June,  1685  [B.  T.  R.  i:  62],  he  "difburfed"  ioj.  to 
help  make  up  £5,  to  pay  for  the  freight  of  the  goods  of 
"Mr.  Cobbit,  the  fchoolmafter  ";  22  September  [Ibid.  6i)~], 
he  was  chofen  one  of  three  "  raters,"  and  one  of  a  Town 
Council  of  five,  "  to  join  with  the  Commiffion  officers  ol 
this  town  by  way  of  ordering  concerns  in  any  exegences 
relating  to  meletia  affairs." 

17  May,  1686  [Ibid.  68],  he  was  chofen  firft  Selectman; 
1  July  [Briftol  Births,  &c.  i:  18],  his  third  fon,  Nathaniel, 
was  born  (who  died  29  Feb.  following)  ;  9  November  [B. 
T.  R.  i:   70],  he  engaged  "to  deliver  in  four  cords  of  fire- 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

wood  for  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lee,"  to  help  make  42  cords;  18 
November  [B.  C.  D.  ii:  271],  he  fells  20  acres  of  land  at 
Saconet,  for  £11,  to  William  Pabodie. 

11  February,  i68f  [B.  C.  D.  iii:  290],  he  buys  ofW.  Pa- 
bodie and  W.  South  worth  of  Saconet  an  18-acre  lot,  for 
£13;  4  May  \B.  T.  R.  i:  72],  he  was  chofen  the  firft  of 
four  Selectmen  at  Briftol;  8  May  [Rev.  Dr.  SheparcPs 
Tzvo  Difcourfcs,  10],  he  became  one  of  the  original 
eight  members  of  the  Firft  Congregational  Church  in 
Briftol. 

23  January,  i68-|  [B.  C.  D.  iii:  370],  he  buys  of  Seth 
Arnold  of  Duxbury,  one-half  of  the  33d  lot  in  Pnnkateajl 
neck  ;  19  February  [Ibid,  ii:  145],  he  exchanged  with  John 
Roufe  of  Marfhfield  the  29th  lot  (which  was  the  fecond  he 
originally  drew)  at  Saconet  for  the  18th  (which  adjoined 
the  19th,  the  firft  which  he  originally  drew,  and  on  which 
he  had  built  his  houfe  there);  21  May  1688  [B.  T.  R.  i: 
73],  he  was  chofen  again  the  firft  of  four  Selectmen  at 
Briftol;  16  July  \_B.  C.  D.  i:  91],  he  buys  for  £100,  a 
whole  fhare  of  land  in  Little  Compton,  of  Jonah  Cook  and 
Jofeph  Harding  of  Eaftham;  29  September  [Ibid.  97],  "for 
the  love,  goodwill  and  affeclion  which  I  have  and  beare 
toward  my  loving  friend  and  Brother-in-law  James  Bur- 
roughs of  Briftol,  Tailor,  and  Sarah,  his  now  wife  (being 
my  lifter)  "  he  gave  his  "  home-lot "  on  the  corner  of  Hope 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

and  Queen  Sts.  in  Briftol,*  being  131  ft.  by  59  ft.,  with  other 
lands  enumerated;  17  October  [Ibid,  vii:  572],  for  £33,  he 
fold  to  James  Peckham,  of  Little  Compton,  lands  in  that 
town,  and  fame  date  [Ibid,  iii:  326],  bought  of  faid  Peck- 
ham  for  £13,  two  lots  in  faid  town;  21  November  [Ibid. 
i:  338],  he  bought  for  £6,  of  Samuel  Sanford  of  Portf- 
mouth,  land  at  Little  Compton;  28  November  [Ibid.  1: 
75],  he  exchanged  certain  lots  in  Little  Compton  for  cer- 
tain other  lots  there  owned  by  John  Cufhen  of  Scituate; 
6  December  [Ibid,  i:  75],  he  fold  for  £90,  lands  in  Little 
Compton  to  Peter  Tailer  of  Newport;  26  December,  [Ibid. 
82],  for  £24,  he  fold  land  at  Little  Compton  to  Mathew 
Ploward  of  that  town. 

24  January,  i68-|-  [Ibid.  81],  for  £16,  he  fold  to  James  Cafe 
and  Anna  his  wife,  of  Little  Compton,  40  acres  of  land  in 
that  town;  6  February  [Ibid,  ix:  173],  he  fells,  for  42^.  a 
ferry  lot  at  Pocaffet  to  William  Wodel;  6  September 
[Entertaining  PaJJages,  &c.  56],  he  was  commiffioned  Ma- 
jor, and  Commander-in-Chief,  of  Plymouth  forces  for  the 
firft  Eaftern  Expedition;  7  September,  1689  [B.  CD.  iii: 
368],  he  buys  of  William  Fobes,  for  £10,  a  lot  in  Little 
Compton;  18  September  [E.  P.  59],  received  his  inftruc- 
tions  from  the  Commiffioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  and 

*  Rev.  Dr.   Shepard  fays,  in  a  note  corner     of   Thames    and    Constitution 

to  his   Tivo  Difcourfes,  (p.  51)  "  tradi-  ftreets,    the    ftone    chimney    of   which 

tion  fays  that  the  old  Talbee  houfe,  in  only  remains  (1S57),  was  built  by  Col. 

this  town,  [Briftol]  ftanding  near  to  the  Church." 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

fharted  for  Cafco;  21  September  [Original  letter  of  Church, 
in  Mafs.  State  Paper  Ojflce\  had  an  engagement  with  the 
enemy,  in  which  eleven  of  his  foldiers  were  killed  and  ten 
wounded;  13  November  [Willis's  Hifl.  Portland  280],  he 
had  a  Council  of  war  at  Falmouth,  foon  after  which  he 
returned  home;  25  December  [P.  C.  R.  vi:  228],  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  by  the  Colony  to  fettle  with  him  and 
others  "  the  charges  of  the  warr,  &c."  and  the  Court 
ordered  him  40^.  a  week  and  £10,  over,  befides  what  he 
might  receive  "  from  the  Bay." 

6  February,  16  9$-  \E.  P.  65],  he  wrote  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Maffachufetts  appealing  on  behalf  of  the 
poor  inhabitants  of  Maine;  10  May,  1690  [B.  C.  D.  ii:  66\ 
for  £7,  he  fells  to  Edward  Gray  of  Little  Compton  land  in 
Sapowit  neck  in  faid  town;  30  May  [Ibid.  147],  he  buys  of 
Captain  Chriftopher  Almy  of  Rhode  Ifland,  for  £11  \osn 
four  thirtieths  of  lands  left  by  the  purchafers  of  Pocajfett,  at 
Fall-river,  for  erecting  a  mill  or  mills;  2  September  [E.  P. 
69J,  was  Commiffioned  for  the  fecond  Eaftern  Expedition;  9 
September  [Ibid.  70],  received  his  inftru6t.ions,  and  ftarted; 
was  back  to  Briftol  in  three  or  four  weeks ;  4  November 
[P.  C.  R.  vi:  255],  was  appointed  by  the  Court  to  take 
charge  of  a  contribution  propofed  in  the  County  of  Briftol 
for  the  relief  "  of  ye  town  of  Wells  &  parts  adjacent; "  27 
November  [E.  P.  77],  wrote  from  Briftol  to  "  the  Eaftern 
parts;"    2    December   [B.   C.  D.  iii:    369;  v:    521],  ex- 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

changed  with  W.  Pabodie  of  Little  Compton  two  lots  in 
faid  town. 

8  June^  1 69 1  [B.  CD.  i  :  199],  he  fells  to  Nathaniel 
Byfield,  for  £50,  one  fixteenth  part  of  PoppafquaJJi  neck, 
being  43  acres  more  or  lefs;  28  Auguft  [Ibid,  i:  in],  he 
buys  of  his  brother  Caleb  Church  of  Watertown,  "  mill- 
wright," for  £100,  I32_3°ths  of  Pocajffett  purchafe,  being  30 
rods  in  breadth,  "  and  containes  ye  river  commonly  called 
ye  Fall-river  &  ye  benefit  of  ye  ftream,  and  ye  ftrip  of  land 
deligned  for  ye  ufe  of  a  mill,  or  mills,  with  ye  \  part  of  ye 
fawmill,  &c.  &c";  23  September  [Ibid,  ii:  257],  he  buys 
for  £70,  of  N.  Thomas,  of  Marfhfield,  lands  at  Saconet. 

25  y-uly,  1692  [E.  P.  82],  he  was  commiffioned  for  the 
third  Eaftern  Expedition;  n  Auguft,  had  his  inftru6t.ions, 
and  ftarted  for  Penobfcot,  —  did  what  fervice  he  could 
and  returned. 

6  March,  1693  [B.  C.  D.  vii:  154],  he  fells,  for  £21,  to 
Samuel  Crandall  land  at  Little  Compton;  23  May  [Ibid,  v: 
11],  he  buys  of  W.  Wodel,  of  Portfmouth,  for  £3,  lands  in 
Fall-river;  1  Auguft  [Ibid,  ii:  149],  he  buys  of  Thomas 
Burge  of  Little  Compton,  for  £7  105.,  a  meadow  lot  of  3 
acres  in  that  town;  fame  date  [Ibid,  ii:  142],  he  fells  to 
faid  Burge  for  £15,  40  rods  fquare  of  land  in  the  fame 
town. 

29  January,  169I  [Ibid,  i :  282],  he  fells,  for  £34,  to  Daniel 
Eaton  of  Little  Compton  one  fhare  of  the  undivided  lands 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

in  that  town;  16  February  [Ibid,  iii:  397],  he  buys  of 
Benjamin  Woodworth  of  Little  Compton,  for  £10,  mea- 
dow lots  in  that  town;  20  April,  1694  [Ibid,  vi:  177], 
he  buys  of  Gerfhom  Wodel  of  PocaJJet,  for  £3,  lands  at 
Fall-river;  23  July  [B.  T.  R.  i:  92],  "  Major  Church  "  was 
chofen  by  the  town  of  Briftol  the  firft  of  its  5  affeffors;  30 
July  [B.  C.  D.  i:  97],  he  bought  back,  for  £50,  his  "  home- 
lot"  in  Briftol  which  he  had  fold  (29  Sept.  1688)  to  his 
brother-in-law,  James  Burroughs;  6  September  [Ibid.  385], 
he  buys  of  Ifrael  Hubbard  and  Jonathan  Dodfon  of  Scitu- 
ate,  for  £150,  one  "great  lot"  in  Freetown,  "  being  the 
fecond  lot  from  ye  Fall-river." 

29  December,  1695  [Ibid,  ii:  21],  he  fells  to  Jofeph  Ta- 
ber  of  Tiverton  80  acres  at  Nomquid,  with  a  grift  mill,  and 
alfo  39  acres  in  Punkateajl  neck,  with  other  lots,  for  £360, 
faid  Tabor  agreeing  to  maintain  the  grift-mill,  as  Church 
had  done,  with  the  agents  of  the  proprietors  of  Saconet. 

23  March,  1696  [B.  T.  R.  i:  96],  Major  Church  was 
chofen  Moderator  of  Briftol  town-meeting,  —  the  laft  time 
his  name  is  mentioned  on  the  records  of  that  town,  indicat- 
ing his  removal  very  foon  after  to  Fall-river;  2  May  [B.  C. 
D.  i:  290],  he  depofed  that  in  1680  he  faw  Hugh  Wood- 
berry  fencing  "  the  nth  lot  of  ye  freeman's  land,"  &c,  in 
Freetown;  27  July  [Ibid,  ii:  217],  he  fells,  for  £18,  to  John 
Palmer,  carpenter,  of  Little  Compton,  40  acres  of  land  in 
that  town;  3  Auguft  [E.  P.  87],  he  was  commiffioned  to 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

go  on  the  fourth  Expedition  eaft;  12  Auguft  [Ibid.  88], 
had  his  inftruftions,  and  went  out,  returning  in  the  Au- 
tumn. 

18  January,  ifff  [B.  C.  D.  iv:  390],  Major  Church  "  late 
of  Briftol  now  of  Tiverton"*  —  mowing  that  he  had  now 
become  a  refident  of  Fall-river  —  "  for  natural  love  "  gives 
to  his  fon  Thomas,  of  Briftol,  feveral  parcels  of  land,  with 
a  houfe,  &c;  5  September,  1700  [Ibid,  iii:  183],  he  buys 
of  Jofeph  Church  of  Little  Compton  for  £100,  feveral  lots 
of  land  at  Saconet  Point;  20  December  [Ibid,  iii:  291],  he 
buys  of  Latham  Clark,  of  Newport,  for  £140,  a  whole  half 
fhare  of  the  freeman's  lot  at  Freetown. 

7  March,  170^  [Ibid,  iv:  29],  he  with  others,  deeds  land 
in  Little  Compton  to  William  Hiliard;  10  December,  1701 
[Ibid,  v:  161],  he  buys  of  Henry  Head  of  Little  Compton, 
for  £10,  land  in  that  town. 

27  March,  1702  [Ibid,  iv:  17],  "  in  conlideration  of  nat- 
ural love  and  affection,"  he  deeds  to  his  fon  Edward  large 
tra6ls  of  land  in  Briftol,  "  his  houfe  on  Hope  St.  &  Queen 
St.,"  &c.  &c;  7  October  [Ibid,  iv:  37],  he  buys  of  John 
Bayley  of  Newport,  for  £40,  certain  lands  in  Little  Comp- 

*  "His    (Col.    Church's)    dwelling-  Annawon  St.,  near  Pond  St.,  from  50 

houfe  ftood  between  the  prefent  dwell-  to  75   ft.   from  the  former.      The    late 

ing-houfe  of  Col.  Richard  Borden,  and  extenfion  of  the  Old  Colony  and  Fall 

that  of  his  brother  Jefferfon,    and    re-  River  R.  R.  to  Newport,  paffes  diredtly 

mained  till  within  40  years."     FoAvier's  through  the  premifes.     \_MS.  letter  from 

Hiji.  Sketch  of  Fall  River,  p.  19  [A.  D.  Hon.  Jefferfon  Borden.] 
1841].     This  was  on  the  fouth  fide  of 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

ton;  30  O&ober  [Ibid.  100],  he  buys,  for  £4  10.5-.  of  D. 
Wilcocks  of  Portfmouth,  John  Woodman  of  Little  Comp- 
ton, and  Thomas  and  Roger  Cory  of  Tiverton,  lands  at 
Fall-river. 

12  January,  i7o|  [Ibid.  67],  "Lieut.  Col.  Church  of  Tiv- 
erton, i.e.  Fall  River,  for  £3,  buys  of  Conftant  Southworth 
-^  part  of  land  for  a  Mill  at  Fall-river,  with  ~q  of  faid  Fall- 
river;  16  January  [Ibid.  99],  he  buys  of  Job  Almy,  of  Tiv- 
erton, for  £7  ios.,  "one  fhare  at  Fall-river  for  a  mill,  &c." 

5  February,  i7o|  [E.  ^.99],  Col.  Church  wrote  to  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  offering  a  plan  for  a  fifth  Expedition  eaft;  18 
March,  he  was  commiffioned;  4  May,  received  his  inftruc- 
tions,  and  fpent  moft  of  the  fummer  on  this  bufinefs;  29 
Nov.  [1  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.  ix:  205  J,  a  Congregational 
Church  was  formed  in  Little  Compton  which  he  is  believed 
to  have  aided  to  eftablifh,  and  of  which  he  remained  a 
confiftent  member  to  his  death. 

20  November,  1705  [Little  Compton  Town  Records  i.], 
Col.  Church  firft  appears  as  if  a  refident  for  the  fecond  time 
in  Little  Compton,  confenting  to  changes  in  the  roads  for 
common  convenience;  11  April  [B.  C.  D.iv:  415],  he 
deeds  to  his  fon  Thomas  a  part  of  his  Little  Compton 
lands,  with  10  cows,  100  fheep,  &c;  20  July  [Ibid,  v:  100], 
he  deeds  to  "  my  onely  natural  daughter  Elizabeth  Rofbo- 
tham,  and  to  my  fon-in-law  Capt.  Jofeph  Rofbotham  (her 
now  hufband)  of  Briftol,"  lands  in  that  town. 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

5  June,  1706  [L .  C.  T.  R.  1],  he  was  chofen  Reprefenta- 
tive  of  Little  Compton  for  the  year  enfuing. 

3  February,  \*jo\\B.  C.  D.  v:  142],  "for  love,  &c."  he 
deeds  to  his  fon  Charles  the  18th  and  19th  lots  at  Little 
Compton  (that  on  which  he  built  in  1674,  with  that  adjoin- 
ing it,  which,  in  1688,  he  had  fecured  by  exchange  with 
John  Roufe),  with  the  buildings,  &c.  &c;  12  April,  1707 
[Ibid,  v:  214],  "  for  love  "  &c.  he  deeds  to  his  fon  Conftant 
(after  his  own  deceafe),  the  mill  mares  and  mills  in  Tiver- 
ton, with  lands  in  Freetown;  26  April  [B.  C.  D.  v:  162], 
"  for  love  "  &c.  he  deeds  to  his  fon  Thomas  of  Briftol,  his 
houfe  *  (after  his  deceafe  and  that  of  his  wife),  called  "  the 
little  farm,"  containing  120  acres,  with  other  lands;  7  Au- 
guft  \L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  at  Little  Compton,  William 
Cuthbert  and  Mary  Head;  18  September  [L .  C.  T.  R.  i], 
the  town  voted  him  £18  *js.  out  of  the  town  rate  for  his 
fervices  as  Reprefentative. 

17  March,  1708  \L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  Edward 
Southworth  and  Mary  Fobes;  24  March  \_B.  C.  D.  v: 
343],  he  fold  for  £30,  to  Henry  Wood,  of  Newport,  land 
at  Little  Compton;  May,  1708  \L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married 

*  When  he  went  back  to  Little  Com-  The  fpot  is  now  owned  by  Mr.  George 

pton  in  1705,  or  thereabouts,  he  built  on  H.   Peckham.      It   is   a  little   S.  of  W. 

the  lots  which  he  had  long  owned  juft  from   the    two  Windmills  which   ftand 

fouth   of  AivaJJionks's;  1   mile   fquare  of  near  together  on  the  road  from  Saconet 

referved    territory    [fee    note    12  poJi\  Point  to  Tiverton,   and   is  perhaps    i| 

His  houfe  ftood  back  in  the  field;  and  miles  S.  W.  in  a  ftraight  line,  from  the 

the  well,  and  traces  of  the  cellar  remain.  Common. 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

John  Irifh  and  (his  filler)  Prifcilla  Church;  23  June  [B.  C. 
D.  v:  471;  vii:  241],  he  exchanged  with  Thomas  Burge 
of  Little  Compton  lands  valued  at  £40;  22  December  [Z. 
C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  Amos  Sheffield  and  Sarah . 

29  January,  i^of  \B.  C.  D.  v:  463],  he  buys  of  John 
Irifh,  for  £15,  meadow  land  in  Little  Compton;  4  April, 
1709  [B.  C.  D.v:  488],  at  the  inftance  of  the  government, 
he  exchanged  fome  lands  in  Little  Compton,  to  accommo- 
date the  Indians;  6  September  [Z.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  was 
chofen  in  Little  Compton  to  the  Grand  Jury. 

4  January,  17 10  [Z.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  John  Bailey 

and  Lydia ;    16  May  [Ibid.],  he  was   chofen   Repre- 

fentative  of  the  town  in  the  next  General  Court  ;  28 
September  [Ibid.],  he  married  William  Shaw  and  Content 
Irifh. 

24  December,  171 1  [Ibid.],  he  was  allowed  £13  4^.  for 
his  fervices  as  Reprefentative. 

25  December,  17 12  [B.  CD.  vii:  462],  "for  love,"  &c.  he 
deeds  land  in  Freetown  to  his  daughter  and  her  hufband, 
Capt.  Jofeph  Rofbotham;  and,  fame  date,  [Ibid.  463]  for 
£100,  to  the  fame  parties  more  land  in  Freetown. 

24  January,  1 7 1|   [Z.  C.  T.  R.  i],  he  married    Samuel 

Tompkins    and    Sarah ;    23    February   [B.  C.  D.  vii: 

583],  for  £15,  he  fold  to  his  fon  Thomas,  of  Little  Comp- 
ton, lands  in  Tiverton;  18  March,  1713  [Z.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he 
was    chofen    moderator    of  the    town    meeting    in    Little 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

Compton;  25  September  [Ibid.],  he  married  William 
Briggs,  jun.,  and  Deborah  Church;  16  November  [Ibid.], 
he  married  Jonathan  Blackman  and  Sarah . 

14  January,  171I  [B.  C.  D.  vii:  480],  "for  love"  &c,  he 
deeds  feveral  valuable  trails  of  land  in  Little  Compton; 
25  March,  17 14  [Ibid,  viii:  583],  he  buys,  for  £33  i$s. 
lands  in  Tiverton  of  Samuel  and  Mary  Snell;  31  March 
[Ibid,  viii:  582],  he  fells,  for  £24,  to  William  Wilbor, 
lands  in  Little  Compton;  18  November  [Ibid.  583],  for 
£32  10s.  he  fells  to  Richard  Ward  and  Lion  Arnold  of 
Newport,  lands  in  Pocajfet. 

14  April,  1 7 15  [Ibid,  ix:  738],  with  Conftant,  he  fells 
land  in  Freetown  to  Thomas  Turner;  7  June  [Ibid.  451], 
for  £6,  he  fells  his  fon  Thomas  land  in  Little  Compton;  1 
November  [L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  Peter  Taylor  and 
Hannah  Wood.  During  this  year  alfo  he  doubtlefs  dicta- 
ted to  his  fon  Thomas  his  "  Entertaining  Paffages." 

8  April,  17 16  [Ibid.'],  he  married  Samuel  Coe  and  Mary 
Chadwick;  13  May  [Ibid.],  he  married  Jonathan  Hilliard 
and  Abigail  Wilbor. 

3  March,  171J  [B.  C.  D.x:  637],  he  gave  lands  in  Free- 
town to  his  fon  Conftant,  referving  the  right  to  improve 
them  during  his  life;  20  June,  17 17  [L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he 
married  William  Wilbor  and  Either  Burges;  11  Septem- 
ber [Brijlol  Marriages,  &c.  ii:  23],  "Mr.  John  Sampfon 
and  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Rofbotham  of  this  town  (Briftol)  were 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 


joined  in  marriage  by  Benjamin  Church,  Efq.";  13  Novem- 
ber \L.  C.  T.  R.  i.],  he  married  (his  laft  couple)  Thomas 
Tibbets  and  Elizabeth  Wood. 


The  account  which  was  given  by  Dr.  Stiles,  on  the  au- 
thority of  a  member  of  the  family,  of  the  old  Colonel's 
death,  is  as  follows :  —  "  the  morning  before  his  death,  he 
went  about  two  miles  on  horfeback  to  viiit  his  only  [fur- 
viving?]  lifter,  Mrs.  Irilri,  to  fympathize  with  her  on  the 
death  of  her  only  child.  After  a  friendly  and  pious  vifit, 
in  a  moving  and  affecting  manner,  he  took  his  leave  of  her, 
and  faid,  i  It  was  a  laft  farewell;  Telling  her,  he  was  per- 
fuaded  he  mould  never  fee  her  more;  but  hoped  to  meet 
her  in  heaven.'  Returning  homeward,  he  had  not  rode 
above  half  a  mile  before  his  horfe  Humbled,  and  threw  him 
over  his  head:  And  the  Colonel  being  exceeding  fat  and 
heavy,  fell  with  fuch  force  that  a  blood  vefTel  was  broken, 
and  the  blood  gulhed  out  of  his  mouth  like  a  torrent.  His 
wife  was  foon  brought  to  him;  he  tried  but  was  unable  to 
fpeak  to  her,  and  died  in  about  twelve  hours.  He  was  car- 
ried to  the  grave  in  great  funeral  pomp,  and  was  buried 
under  arms,  and  with  military  honours." 


His  monument  —  a  huge  flat  ftone  laid  horizontally  over 
the  grave,  fupported  by  ftones   under  each  lide  and  end, 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

in  the  graveyard  adjoining  the  Congregational  Church  in 
Little  Compton  —  ftill  bears  the  following  infcription:  — 

"  Here  lyeth  interred  the  [body] 

of  the  Honourable 

Col.  Benjamin  Church,  Esq. 

who  departed  this  life,     January 

the  17,  17135  in  ye  78  yeare  of 

his  age." 

The  Probate  Record  of  his  Eftate,  is  as  follows :  — 

The  fifth  day  of  March  Administration  Granted  to   Madam  Allice 
Church  on  the  Estate  of  Coll"  Benja  Church  deceased 

[Bristol  Co.  Probate  Records,  iii :  363.] 


A  true  Inventory  of  Estate  both  Reall  &  Personall  left  by  the 
jjoneawe  QQ\\e  Benjan  Church  Esq6  Late  of  Little  Compton  decd  Taken 
by  us  the  subscribers  the  5thday  ftebey  171 7-18 

To  his  Sword  and  Belt 05  00  00 

To  a  Cane  &  Gloves 00   12  00 

To  Wearing  Apparell 28  15  00 

To  2  Gold  Rings  if  &  3  pair  of  Buttons  1 !  10  :  o  all   .  02   10  00 

To  one  pair  of  Plate  Buckles 00  15  00 

To   one   Tanker  one   cup   one    Porringer   &    2    salt 
sellars   plate   and   seven   spoons  all  weighing  42 

Ounces 25  00  00 

To  a  Case  of  knives  &  forks 00  08  00 

To  Sundry  Books 02  00  00 

To  land  in  Tiverton  one  Six  Score  acre  lot  &  half 

being  18  ac  [acres] 1S0  00  00 

To  Two  Gunns 03  00  00 

xxxviii 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

To  one  Bed  2  Blankets  one  Rug  curtains  and  Vallence 

&  two  Pillows  and  Bedstead  &c 24  00  00 

To  one  other  Bed  Bedstead  and  4  Blankets  or  Cover- 
lids Two  Pillows  and  Curtains 18  00  00 

To  one  other  Bed  Bedstead  Bolster  &  3  Blankets       .  12  00  00 

To  14  pair  of  Sheets 21   00  00 

To  nine  Pillow  cases • 01    16  00 

To  two  Doz  of  napkins  &  Towels 03   1 2  00 

To  4  Table  Cloathes 02  00  00 

To  three  Tables 03   10  00 

To  one  Cubboard 03  00  00 

To  six  Chests 02  02  00 

To  seven  Turkey  worked  chairs 04  02  00 

To  16  Wooden  Chairs 02  oS  00 

Puter  To  21  plates  1  17  o  To  7  platters  3*  all 04  17  00 

To  11  Basons  1  13  00  &  3  Chamber  Potts  8s     .     .     .  02  01   00 

Tinn     To  one  Collender  one  Cauldron  &  on  Tea  pott  all     .  00  03  00 

Brass    To  one  Chaffing  Dish  &  one  warmingpan    .     .     .     .  01    10  00 

To  two  Kettles  and  one  Bellmettell  skillet    .     .     .     .  06  00  00 

Iron      To  three  Potts  and  one  Kettle 01    10  00 

To  one  spit  3  Andirons  two  pair  of  Tongs  one  fire 
shove  two  Trammels  one  hook  and  one  frying  pan 

all 02  02  00 

To  8  Keelers  8  pails  3  Piggins  3  Trayes  &  one  Sugar 

Box  all 02   15  00 

To  5  Cheese  fatts  one  churn  &  3  Cedar  Tubs  all  .     .  02  04  00 

To  one  Mealtrough  &  Corrill  &  one  Tray  all    .     .     .  00  06  00 
To  3  Bags  12'  to  Earthenware  6s  &  12  Glass  Bottles 

4s  all 01  02  00 

To  two  Ropes  6s  to  5  old  Sythes  5s  To  3  old  Iron 

hopps  &  3  Iron  Boxes  8'  all 00   19  00 

To  a  Bettle  and  wedges  6s  &  3  Sythe  Snaths  3s  all     .  00  09  00 

To  3  hones  6s  one  Bill  hooke  &  4  Axes  11s  all .     .     .  00   17  00 
To  Iron  ffetters  horse  traces  one  Coller  Harnes  &  old 

Iron 00  14  00 

xxxix 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

One  Hmmer  &  one  square oo  08  00 

One  old  Tennant  Saw  2  pair  of  sheers  &  2  pr  of  Stel- 

liards 00  oS  00 

To  one  girdle  3  Stirupp  Ii'ons  &  one  Lanthorn  all     .  00  04  00 

To  three  Riddle  Sives  3s  &  14  old  Cask —  1  083  all   .  01    11  00 

To  25  bushells  of  salt  3'  15."  &  2  Cheese  presses  8s  all  04  03  00 

To  2  pair  of  Spinning  Wheels  and  one  pair  of  Cards  00   10  00 

To  2  Barrills  of  Beef  one  Barrill  of  Pork      .     .     .     .  05  00  00 

To  nine  Cows 54  00  00 

To  4  heifers 20  00  00 

To  a  pair  of  Oxen 14  00  00 

To  a  pair  of  Steers 12  00  00 

To  one  Bull 02   10  00 

To  Seven  Two  Year  old  Cattle 21  00  00 

To  a  cart  and  Wheels  2  Yoaks  2  Chains  &  Clevis  & 

pin 04   10  00 

Two  Iron  Barrs  and  one  Sledge 01   00  00 

To  Yarn  and  flax 03   15  00 

To  about  25°  weight  of  Cheese 04  00  00 

To  13  Bushels  of  Barley 02  00  00 

To  2  old  Barrills  and  Some  Beanes 00  10  00 

To  Twenty  Bushells  of  Oates 02   10  00 

To  about  40  Bushells  of  Indian  corn 08  00  00 

To  one  Tubb  &  Pork 04  00  00 

To  2  Barrills  of  Cider  if  &  three  empty  Cask  6s  .     .  01   06  00 

To  one  sorild  horfs 12  00  00 

To  one  black  horfs 16  00  00 

To  the  Collafh  with  the  Horfs  saddle  &  Brydle  &c    .  1 2  co  00 

To  one  Bay  mare 1 8  00  00 

To  2  old  ploughs  and  one  Brake 01  05  00 

To  ten  yearling  Cattle 15  00  00 

To  5  Swine 02    10  00 

To  a  looking  Glass  and  hour  Glass 00  oS  06 

To  3  Scivers  one  pair  of  tongs  &  pair  of  Bellows  all .  00  05  06 

To  one  pair  of  holdsters  &  an  old  Portmantle  .     .     .  00  12  00 

xl 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

To  about  15  pound  of  Butter 00  10  00 

To  a  Negro  man  Clothing  and  bedding  &c  .     .     .     .  60  00  00 

To  a  Negro  woman  clothing  &  Bedding  &c      .     .     .  40  00  00 

To  a  Servant  Boy  called  William  Hood 10  00  00 

To  John  Tomlin 03  00  00 

To  three  rakes  and  Two  pitch  forks 00  06  00 

To  an  Iron  Bark 01    10  00 

To  a  score  of  Sheep 06   16  00 

To  a  Clasp  Stale  pan  a  pair  of  Specticles  &  Inkhorn  00  09  00 

To  Silver  and  Gold  Buttons 02  02  06 

To  Cash 02   iS  06 

To  his  Right  in  a  Small  lott  of  land  Tiverton   .     .     .  05  00  00 

This  Inventory  was  taken  the  day  and  year 
above  written  by  us  JOHN  WOOD  ^ 

THOMAS  GREY  i    Prifers 

WILLIAM  PABODIE  ) 

[Bristol  Co.  Probate  Records,  iii :  381,  382.] 


To  all  People  to  whom  these  presents  Shall  come  Know  Yee  that 
we  who  are  the  Children  of  our  Honed  ffather  Colle  Benjamin  Church 
late  of  Little  Compton  in  the  County  of  Bristol  in  the  Province  of  the 
Mafsachuset  Bay  in  New  England  decd  Who  Dyed  Intestate  And 
that  the  law  of  this  Province  doth  Provide  that  all  Just  Debts  &  funerall 
Charges  shall  be  payd  out  of  the  Personal!  Estate  which  will  be  a  great 
Damage  to  our  Honed  Mother  Mrs  Allice  Church  who  is  Administra- 
trix to  said  Estate 

These  are  therefore  to  give  full  power  and  lawfull  Authority  to  our 
above  named  Mother  as  Administratrix  to  our  above  sd  Honcd  flathers 
Estate  To  Bargain  Sell  Alin  &  Dispose  of  all  our  Right  Title  Claime 
or  Demand  of  one  Six  Score  acre  lot  and  one  halfe  in  the  Township  of 
Tiverton  in  pocafet  Purchafs  the  whole  lot  being  the  fourteen  in  num- 
ber and  the  half  lot  being  the  Thirteenth  lot  in  number  which  lot  and 
half  being  mentioned  in  the  Inventory  of  our  sd  ffathers  estate  and  is, 
f  xli 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

Butted  &  bounded  as  by  the  Bounds  of  sd  Pocaffet  land  may  appear 
and  that  the  whole  sum  of  money  which  the  above  faid  land  is  fold  for 
shall  be  to  help  to  pay  the  juft  debts  and  ffunerall  Charges  of  our  sd 
Hon6?  Mather  deceased  as 

Witness  our  hands  and  Seals  dated  in  Bristol  this  Sixt  day  of  March 
in  the  fourth  year  of  his  Majties  Reign  Annoqe  Domini  ijjl 

Signed  Sealed  &  declared  THOMAS  CHURCH        (S) 

In  presence  of  us  CONSTANT  CHURCH   (S) 

Samuel  Gallop  CHARLES  CHURCH       (S) 

Joshua  Bailey  MARTHA  CHURCH        (S) 

JOHN  SAMPSON  (S) 

ELIZA  SAMPSON  (S) 


Bristol  fs  —  March  20th  1717  :  18 

Mr  Thomas  Church  mr  Constant  Church  mr  Charles  Church  mrs 
Martha  Church  mr  John  Sampson  &  mrs  Elizabeth  Sampson  Subscri- 
bers to  the  above  mentioned  order  &  Agreement  Personally  appeared 
before  me  Natha1  Paine  Esqr  Judge  of  the  Probate  of  wills  &c  within 
the  County  of  Bristol  and  acknowledged  the  Same  to  be  their  free  volun- 
tary Act  and  Deed 

NATHAL  PAINE 
Entered  March  the  21?  17H 

By  John  Cary  Register 

[Bristol  Co.  Probate  Records,  iii :  384.] 


A  true  Copy. 
Taunton,  Dec.  15,  1864. 


Attest :  A.  S.  Cushman,  Register. 


I  have  only  to  add  that  no  portrait  is  extant  of  the  Col- 
onel, and  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  any  ever  exifted. 
None  was  offered  to  the  public  in  connection  with  the  firft 
edition  of  thefe  "  Entertaining  Paffages,"  and  he  had  been 

xlii 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

dead  more  than  half  a  century  when  Dr.  Stiles  edited  the 
fecond  edition  for  Solomon  Southwick.  The  diaries  and 
correfpondence  of  the  Doctor  have  been  fearched  in  vain 
for  any  clue  to  the  origin,  or  allufion  to  the  character,  of  the 
copperplate  engraving  which  accompanied  that  edition. 
Mr.  Charles  Deane  [Proceedings  of  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  March 
1858,  293]  has  acutely  fuggefted  that  it  "was  taken  from 
a  picture  of  Charles  Churchill,  the  poet,  with  the  addition 
of  a  powder-horn  flung  around  his  neck;"  and  a  compar- 
ifon  of  the  engraving  with  one  or  two  pictures  of  that  poet 
has  given  to  his  fuggeftion  great  weight  in  my  mind.  I 
imagine  that  Benjamin,  the  "  vendue-mafter,"  who  had 
fome  literary  culture,  and  who  bulled  himfelf  in  regard  to 
the  getting  up  of  Dr.  Stiles's  edition,  to  the  extent,  at  leaft, 
of  writing  the  "  Ode  Heroica,"  remembering  the  face  of 
his  grandfather,  and  being  ftruck  with  fome  decided  refem- 
blance  between  it  and  this  picture  of  Churchill,  engaged 
Revere  to  furnifh  a  likenefs  of  the  Colonel  bafed  upon  that 
of  the  poet.  And  the  fact  that  there  is  a  look  to  this  day 
retained  by  many  of  the  defcendants  of  the  Church  family 
very  far  from  being  unlike  to  the  general  character  of  this 
picture,  ftrengthens  this  fuppofition  in  my  own  mind  to  a 
ftrong  probability.  The  companion  picture  of  King  Philip 
was,  of  courfe,  purely  a  fancy  fketch,  and  nearly  the  uglieft 
poffible,  at  that. 

xliii 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

I  append  here  fuch  few  fcattering  genealogical  fafts  in 
regard  to  the  defcendants  of  Colonel  Church  as  have  come 
incidentally  to  my  notice,  —  as  materials  for  whoever  may, 
at  any  future  time,  attempt  to  catalogue  the  complete 
defcent  from  him. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH,1  b.  at  Plymouth,  1639,  m.  26  Dec.  1667, 
Alice  Southworth  (b.  Duxbury  1646,  d.  Little  Compton  5  Mar. 
171I,  set.  73),  d.  17  Jan.  171I,  at  Little  Compton,  R.-I.  set  78.  They 
had  (1)  Thomas,2  b.  Duxbury,  1674,  d.  Little  Compton,  12  Mar.  1746, 
aet.  73;  (2)  Constant,3  b.  Portsmouth,  R.-I.  12  May,  1676,  d.  26  Mar. 
1726?  [A.  E.  Hist.  &  Gen  Reg.  xi :  155.]  (3)  Benjamin,4  b.  1678  ; 
(4)  Edward,5  b.  16S0;  (5)  Charles,6  b.  1682,  d.  Bristol  Jan.  1747  ;  (6) 
Elizabeth,7  b.  26  Mar.  1684  ;  (7)  Nathaniel,8  b.  1  July  1686,  d.  29  Feb. 
1687  ;   (8)  Martha.9 

THOMAS  CHURCH,2  m.  first,  21  Feb.  i69|,  Sarah  Hayman, 
had  (1)  Sarah,10  b.  15  Jan.  1700,  d.  29  Aug.  1701  ;  (2)  Elizabeth,11  b. 
9  Sept.  1702,  d.  27  Sept.  1702;  (3)  Thomas,12  b.  20  Aug.  1704,  d. 
young;  m.  second,  16  April  1712  Edith,  2d  dau.  and  4th  child  of  John 
and  Hannah  [Timberlake]  Woodman  [b.  7  Sept.  16S5,  d.  3  June 
1718],  had  (4)  Elizabeth13,  b.  10  Jan.  1713  ;  (5)  Hannah14  b.  23  Sept. 
1714;   (6)  Priscilla,15  b.  6  Jan.  1717,  d.  15  Mar.  1744;   (7)  Thomas16  b. 

May  171S,  d.  21  Aug.  1718;   m.  1719  third,  Sarah ?   had  (8) 

Thomas,17  b.  31  May,  1720,  d.  4  July,  1720;  (9)  Sarah,18  b.  15  May, 
1721  ;  (10)  Thomas,19  b.  13  July,  1722,  d.  5  Oct.  1722;  (11)  Benja- 
min,20 b.  9  Sept.  1723,  d.  27  Sept.  1723  ;  (12)  Mary,21  b.  2  Jan.  1725  ; 
(13)  Thomas,22  b.  1  Sept.  1727;  (14)  Benjamin,23  b.  10  Jan.  1732,  d. 
4  Aug.  1749;   (15)  Mercy,24  b.  18  Sept.  1734. 

CONSTANT  CHURCH.3  [I  have  seen  no  trace  of  his  family,  if 
he  had  any.] 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH.4     [It  is  said  died  unmarried.] 

EDWARD  CHURCH5  lived  in  Boston,  where,  before  1764,  he  had 
a  place  of  business  as  vendue-master,  on  Newbury  Street,  "  two  doors 

south  of  the  sign  of  the  Lamb."     He  m.  Elizabeth  ?  who  d.  iS 

xliv 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

April,  1766,  ast.  27.  He  had  an  only  son  Benjamin,25  who  was  proba- 
bly also  a  vendue-master,  and  the  father  of  two  sons  (one  of  whom  was 
Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  of  Tory  memory  in  the  Revolution),  and  a  daugh- 
ter who  m.  Mr.  Fleming,  a  stationer. 

CHARLES  CHURCH6  was  High  Sheriff  of  the  County,  and  Rep- 
resentative to  the  General  Court;  m.  20  May,  1708,  Mrs.  Hannah 
Paine  of  Bristol,  had  (1)  Constant,26  b.  12  Dec.  1708  ;  (2)  Elizabeth,27 
b.  24  Dec.  1710;   (3)  Hannah,28  b.  20  Feb.  171-f,  d.  Jan.  174I. 

ELIZABETH  CHURCH,7  m.  first,  1700?  Capt.  Joseph  Ros- 
botham  of  Bristol,  had  (1)  Benjamin,29  b.  21  Dec.  1701  ;  (2)  Alice,30 
b.  26  Aug.  1704 ;  (3)  Elizabeth,31  b.  9  Sept.  1708  ;  (4)  Hannah,32  b.  20 
June,  171 1  ;  m.  second,  11  Sept.  1717,  Mr.  John  Sampson,  of  Bristol, 
[d.  12  Jan.  173I]  ;  had  (5)  John33  and  (6)  Elizabeth,34  (twins)  b.  20 
Jan.  171I ;  (7)  John,35  b.  (at  New  Haven)  31  May,  1722;  m.  third, 
18  June,  1739,  Capt.  Samuel  Woodbury. 

NATHANIEL  CHURCH,8  [died  an  infant.] 

MARTHA  CHURCH 9.  [I  find  no  trace  of  her  except  her  signa- 
ture to  the  document  accompanying  the  settlement  of  her  father's 
estate.] 

SARAH  CHURCH,18  m.  29  Apr.  1742,  Samuel  Bailey  of  Little 
Compton,  had  (1)  William,36  b.  25  Aug.  1742,  m.  4  Mar.  1770,  Sarah 
Briggs,  d.  17  Feb.  1825  ;  (2)  Samuel,37  b.  3  Jan.  1744,  m.  Elizabeth 
Church  ;  (3)  Francis,38  b.  4  Oct.  1745  ;  (4)  Ruth,39  b.  24  Apr.  1747,  d. 
6  Dec.  1771  ;  (5)  Sarah,40  b.  23  Sept.  1749,  m.  1  Mar.  1772,  John  Man- 
chester ;  (6)  George,41  b.  29  Apr.  1751,  d.  27  Mar.  1764  ;  (7)  Hannah,42 
b.  25  July,  1760. 

MARY  CHURCH,21  m.  31  Mar.  1748,  Aaron  Wilbor  [3d  son 
and  6th  child  of  John,  who  was  2d  son  and  3d  child  of  William,  an  origi- 
nal settler],  had  (1)  Sarah,43  b.  25  Dec.  1748;  (2)  Benjamin,44  b.  22 
Oct.  1750  ;  (3)  Aaron,45  b.  June,  1753  ;  (4)  Francis,46  b.  4  Aug.  1755,  d. 
15  June,  1844;  (5)  Thomas,47  b.  23  Sept.  1756,  d.  13  Sept.  1S40;  (6) 
John,48  b.  4  May,  1762. 

THOMAS  CHURCH,22  m.  first,  31  Jan.  ^748,  Ruth  Bailey 
[youngest  dau.  and  child  of  William,  and  so  youngest  sister  of  the  hus- 
band of  Sarah,18  b.  3  Aug.  1727,  d.  31  Jan.  1771  J,  had   (1)  Constant,49 

xlv 


INTRODUCTORY    MEMOIR. 

b.  9  May,  174S;  (2)  Sarah,50  b.  12  Feb.  1750,  d.  17  Nov.  1750;  (3) 
Sarah,51  b.  24  May,  1751  ;  (4)  Elizabeth,52  b.  25  Dec.  1752  ;  (5)  Benja- 
min ; w  (6)  Mercy,54  b.  Mar.  1756,  d.  31  Mar.  1837  ;  (7)  Thomas,55  b.  26 
Nov.  1757;  (8)  Obadiah,50  b.  21  Apr.  1759;  (9)  William,57  b.  7  May, 
1761  ;  (10)  Charles,58  b.  10  Mar.  1763  ;  (11)  Francis,59  b.  19  Dec.  1764; 
(12)  Thomas,60  b.  3  Mar.  1767;  (13)  Ruth,61  b.  5  Dec.  1768;  (14) 
Mary,62  b.  30  Jan.  1771 ,  d.  1  Feb.  1771  ;  m.  second,  Mary  Richmond, 
[b.  26  Dec.  1735,  2d  dau.  and  8th  child  of  William,  oldest  son  of  Sylves- 
ter] ;  had  (15)  George,63  b.  30  May,  1773  ;  (16)  Gamaliel,64  b.  1  Mar. 
1775  ;   (17)  Mary,65  b.  12  Feb.  1777,  d.  17  July,  1777. 

MERCY  CHURCH,24  m.  3  Feb.  1754,  Perez  Richmond  [4th  son 
and  5th  child  of  William,  d.  1S01],  had  (1)  Sarah,66  b.  24  Aug.  1756  ;  m. 
27  Apr.  1776,  Job  Clapp  ;  (2)  Ruth,67  b.  6  Sept.  1758  ;  (3)  Elizabeth,68 
b.  9  Mar.  1760;  (4)  Thomas,69  b.  5  Mar.  1764;  (5)  Benjamin,70  b.  ti 
July,  1765  ;  (6)  Anna,71  b.  24  Mar.  1767  ;  (7)  Mary,72  b.  5  Apr.  1770; 
(8)  Charles,73  b.  9  July,  1773  ;   (9)  Hannah,74  b.  17  Dec.  1775. 

CONSTANT  CHURCH,49  m.  20  June,  1771,  Kezia  Briggs  [3d 
dau.  and  child  of  Jeremiah,  who  was  4th  son  and  child  of  Job,  who  was 
4th  son  and  7th  child  of  William,  b.  13  Ocl.  1751,  d.  17  Dec.  18 18.],  had 
(1)  Ruth,75  b.  19  Dec.  1771  ;  (2)  Sarah,76  b.  29  May,  1774;  (3)  Jere- 
miah Briggs,77  b.  22  Jan.  1776;  (4)  Benjamin,78  b.  23  Jan.  1778,  d.  20 
Sept.  1778;  (5)  Kezia,79  b.  14  Mar.  17S0;  (6)  Charles*  b.  16  Mar. 
1782,  d.  14  Sept.  1805  ;  (7)  Betsey,81  b.  17  Sept.  1784;  (8)  Anna,82  b. 
11  Feb.  1787;  (9)  Constantine,83  b.  5  Jan.  17S9,  d.  1  Nov.  1826;  (10) 
Hannah,84  b.  9  Od.  17S1,  d.  2  Sept.  1828;  (11)  William,85  b.  27  Apr. 
1795,  d.  14  06t.  1796. 

ELIZABETH  CHURCH,52  m.  23  Oct.  1774,  Samuel  Bailey  [b. 
3  Jan.  1744,  was  2d  son  and  child  of  Samuel,  who  m.  Sarah18],  had 
(1)  Sarah,86  b.  31  Mar.  1775  ;  (2)  Cornelius,87  b.  8  Oft.  1776  ;  (3)  Ben- 
jamin,88 b.  18  Aug.  17S0;  (4)  Ruth,89  b.  26  Feb.  1782;  (5)  Thomas,90 
(6)  Samuel,91  (twins),  b.  6  May,  1785  ;  (7)  George,92  b.  26  April,  1788  ; 
(8)  Charles,93  b.  5  Apr.  1790;   (9)  Hannah,94  b.  1  June,  1794. 

CONSTANT  CHURCH,26  of  Bristol,  m.  25  Jan.  173I,  Mary  Rey- 
nolds, of  Bristol,  had  (1)  Peter,95  b.  1  Dec.  1737;  (2)  Mary,96  b.  2 
Apr.  1740;   (3)  Charles,97  b.  5  Nov.  1743. 

xlvi 


INTRODUCTORY     MEMOIR. 

PETER  CHURCH95  [as  the  records  seem  to  say]  m.  22  Mar.  1764, 

Mrs.  Sarah  Fales,  of  Bristol,  and,  for  second  wife,  Hannah ? 

had  (1)  George,98  b.  1  Apr.,  1771  ;   (2)  William,90  b.  5  Apr.  1776  ;   (3) 
Peter,100  b.  26  Apr.  1791  ;   (4)  Hannah,101  b.  13  Sept.  1792. 

This  Peter100  I  suppose  to  be  the  Col.  Peter,  now  living  in  Bristol, 
whose  son,  Captain  Benjamin,  commanding  a  company  in  the  8th  Mich- 
igan V.  M.,  was  killed  by  a  shot  through  the  head,  16  June,  1862,  while 
gallantly  leading  a  charge  upon  the  rebels,  in  the  battle  of  James  Island. 
[Stone's  jR.-f.  in  the  Rebellion,  298.] 

xlvii 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE. 


T  had  been  intended  to  give,  in  this  place,  a 
full  ftatiftical  flatement  of  the  condition  of 
New  England  in  population,  refources,  towns, 
churches,  minifters  &c,  &c,  at  the  date  of  the 
breaking -out  of  thofe  hoftilities  which  are  commonly 
known  as  Philip's  War;  and  to  add  a  careful  eftimate 
of  the  caufes  of  that  ftrife,  and  the  effects  of  it  upon 
the  Colonies.  But  the  neceffary  length  of  fuch  a  flate- 
ment and  eftimate,  and  the  unexpected  voluminoufnefs 
of  the  preceding  biographical  matter,  compels  the  referva- 
tion  of  that  hiftorical  introduction  until  the  iffue  of  that 
remaining  portion  of  thefe  "  Entertaining  Paffages,"  which 
has  efpecial  reference  to  the  Eaftern  Expeditions;  when  it 
will  be  given  as  preliminary  to  thofe  brief  ftatements  which 
may  be  further  needful  to  make  clear  the  caufes  and  iffues 
of  thofe  later  conflicts. 

g  xlix 


INTRODUCTORY     NOTE. 

Meanwhile,  the  reader  who  deiires  to  perufe  thefe  ex- 
ploits and  experiences  of  Captain  Church,  with  the  moft 
intelligent  comprehenlion  of  their  relation  to  the  general 
matters  of  the  war,  and  the  condition  of  the  country  at  that 
date,  is  refpeftfully  referred  to  the  third  volume  of  Dr. 
Palfrey's  "  Hifhory  of  New  England,"  where  [pp.  132-239], 
he  will  find  the  moft  lucid,  careful  and  truthful  expofition 
of  the  fubjecl:,  which  has  yet  been  given  to  the  prefs. 


Entertaining  Paflages 

Relating  to 

mtity*  WAR 

WHICH 

Began  in  the  Month  of  JJUUC,    1675. 

AS    ALSO    OF 

EXPEDITIONS 

More  lately  made 

Againft   the   Common   Enemy,   and   JjtttttaU   Rebels, 
in   the   Eaflern   Parts   of  ^e\X)=(?nglantr  : 

WITH 

Some  Account  of  the  Divine  Providence 

TOWARDS 

Benj.  Church  Efqr ; 

By  *^C 

BOSTON:  Printed  by  B.    Green,  in  the  Year,   1    7   1   6. 


t 


TO    THE 


READER 


THE fubjefl  of  this  following  Narrative  offer- 
ing itfelf  to  your  friendly  Perufal ;  relates  to 
the  Former  and  Later  Wars  of  New-Eng- 
land, which  Imyfelf  was  not  a  little  concerned 
in  :  For  in  the  Year,  1675.  that  unhappy 
and  bloody  Indian  War  broke  out  in  Plymouth  Colony,  where 
I  was  then  building,  and  beginning  a  Plantation,  at  a  Place 
called  by  the  Indians  Sekonit;  andfince  by  the  Englifh,  Lit- 
tle Compton.  I  was  the  firfl  Englifh  Man  that  built  upon 
that  Neck,  which  was  full  of  Indians.  My  head  and  hands 
were  full  about  Settling  a  New  Plantation,  where  nothing 
was  brought  to  ;  no  preparation  of  Dwelling  Houfe,  or  Out- 
Hotifing  or  Fencing  made.  Horfes  and  Cattel  were  to  be 
provided,  Ground  to  be  cleared  and  broken  up ;  and  the  utter- 

moft 


TO     THE     READER. 

mofl  caution  to  be  ufed,  to  keep  my  felf free  from  offending 
my  Indian  Neighbours  all  round  about  me.  While  I  was 
tints  bufily  Employed,  and  all  my  Time  and  Strength  laid 
out  in  this  Laborious  Undertaking  ;  I  Received  a  Commiffwn 
from  the  Government  to  engage  in  their  Defence.  And  with 
my  Commifjion  I  received  another  heart  inclining  me  to  put 
forth  my  Strength  in  Military  Service.  And  through  the 
Grace  of  G  O  D  I  ivas  Spirited  for  that  work,  and  Direc- 
tion in  it  was  renewed  to  me  day  by  day.  And  altho'1  many 
of  the  Aclions  that  I  was  concerned  in,  were  very  Difftcitlt 
and  Dangerous  ;  yet  my  felf  and  thofe  that  went  with  me 
Voluntarily  in  the  Service,  had  our  Lives,  for  the  mofl part, 
wonderfully  preferved,  by  the  over-ruling  Hand  of  the  Al- 
mighty, from  firfl  to  lafl ;  which  doth  aloud  befpeak  our 
Praifes :  And  to  declare  His  Wonderful  Works,  is  our 
Indifpenfble  Duty.  I  was  ever  very  fenfible  of  my  own 
Littlenefs  and  Unfitnefs,  to  be  imployed  in  fuck  Great 
Services  ;  but  calling  to  mind  that  GOD  is  STRONG,  / 
Endeavoured  to  put  all  my  Confidence  in  Him,  and  by  His 
Almighty  Power  was  carried  throttgh  every  difficult  Aclion  : 
and  my  defire  is  that  His  Name  may  have  the  Praife. 

It  was  ever  my  Intent  having  laid  my  felf  under  a  Solemn 
promife,  that  the  many  and  Repeated  Favours  ofGOD  to 
my  felf ,  and  thofe  with  me  in  the  Service,  might  be  pub  lifted 
for  Ge?terations  to  come.  And  now  my  great  Age  requiring 
-my  D  if  miff  on  from  Service  in  the  Militia,  and  to  pitt  off  my 
Armour;  I  am  willing  that  the  Great  and  Glorious  works 

of 


TO     THE     READER. 

of  Almighty  GOD,  to  us  Children  of  Men,  fiwuld  appear 
to  the  World ;  and  having  my  Minutes  by  me ;  my  Son  has 
taken  the  care  and  pains  to  Collecl  from  them  the  Infuing 
Narrative  of  many  paffages  relati?ig  to  the  Former  and 
L  ater  Wars ;  which  I  have  had  the  perufal  of,  and  find 
nothing  a-mifs,  as  to  the  Truth  of  it ;  and  with  as  little 
Refleclion  upon  any  particular  perfon  as  7night  be,  either 
alive  or  dead. 

And  feeing  every  particle  of  hiflorical  Truth  is  precious ; 
I  hope  the  Reader  will  pafs  a  favourable  Cenfure  upon  an 
Old  Souldier,  telling  of  the  many  Ran-Counters  he  has  had, 
and  yet  is  come  off  alive.  It  is  a  plcafure  to  Remember  what 
a  great  Number  of  Eamilies  in  this  and  the  Neighbouring 
Provinces  in  New-England  did  during  the  War,  e7ijoy  a 
great  meafure  of  Liberty  and  Peace  by  the  hazardous  Sta- 
tions and  Marches  of  thofe  Engaged  in  Military  Exercifes, 
who  were  a  Wall  unto  them  on  this  fide  and  on  that  fide.  I 
defire  Prayers  that  I  may  be  enabled  Well  to  accomplifli  my 
Spiritual  Warfare,  and  that  I  may  be  more  than  Conquer- 
our  through    JESUS    CHRIST  loving  of  me. 

Benjamin   Church. 


[  I  ] 


Entertaining  Paflages 

Relating  to 

l^tltp'S  WAR1  which  began  in  the  Year,  1675. 


With  the  Proceedings  of 


Benj.  Church  Efqr; 

IN  the  Year  1674,  Mr.  Benjamin  Church  of  Dux  bury2 
being  providentially  at  Plymouth  in  the  time  of  the 
Court,3  fell  into  acquaintance  with  Capt.  John 
Almy*  of  Rhode-IJland.  Capt.  Almy  with  great  im- 
portunity invited  him  to  ride  with  him,  and  view 
that  part  of  Plymouth  Colony  that  lay  next  to  Rhode-IJland, 


1  See  Introduction,  for  fome  account 
of  the  origin  of  this  ftruggle. 

2  See  Introductory  Memoir,  for  facts 
in  the  early  life  of  Mr.  Church. 

3  The  "Court  of  His  Majeftie"  met 
at  Plymouth  4  March,  3  June,  7  July, 
and  27  October,  in  1674.  [Plymouth 
Colony  Records,  vol.  v.] 

4  John  Almy  was  in  Plymouth,  in 
1643  ;  married  Mary,  daughter  of  James 
Cole ;  removed  to  Portfmouth,  R.-I. ; 
loft  a  horfe  in  the  fervice  of  the  Rhode- 
Ifland  Colony  by  "  making  great  expedi- 
tion "  in  watching  a  Dutch  man-of-war, 
for  which  in  1666  he  was  paid  £7 ;   23 


July,  1667,  was  appointed  "  Lieftenant" 
of  a  "  troope  of  horfe";  24  July,  1671, 
was  a  witnefs  of  the  articles  of  agree- 
ment made  between  the  Court  of  New 
Plymouth  and  Awafhonks,  Squaw- 
Sachem  of  Sogkonate  ;  14  June,  1676, 
was  appointed,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Bor- 
den, to  take  an  inventory  of  goods  of 
Thomas  Lawton ;  died  before  Nov. 
1676,  at  which  time  Plymouth  Court 
gave  his  widow  power  to  adminifter  on 
his  eftate  within  the  Colony  jurifdidtion. 
[Savage's  Gen.  Did.  i :  45 ;  Rhode-IJl- 
and Colonial  Records.,  ii  :  184,  214, 
544;  Plytn.  Col,  Rcc.  v:  75,  212.] 


[  I  ] 


known  then  by  their  Indian  Names  oiPocaJfet^  &  Sogkonate? 
Among  other  arguments  to  perfwade  him,  he  told  him,  the 
Soil  was  very  rich,  and  the  Situation  pleafant.  Perfwades 
him  by  all  means,  to  purchafe  of  the  Company  fome  of  the 

He  accepted  his  invitation,  views  the 


Court  grant  rights.7 


5  Now  mainly  Tiverton,  R.-I. ;  in- 
cluding the  eaftern  more  of  Mount- 
Hope  bay  from  £>uequechan  river  (Fall 
River)  on  the  north  to  Pachet  brook  on 
the  fouth.  As  to  the  meaning  of  the 
name  Pocajfet,  Mr.  Trumbull  fays, 
"A  half-dozen  good  enough  etymolo- 
gies prefent  themfelves ;  but  as  I  do  not 
know  which  is  right,  and  have  not 
much  confidence  in  either,  I  let  the 
name  pafs." 

6  Extending  from  Pachet  brook  to  the 
ocean;  now  mainly  Little  Compton, 
R.-I.  Dr.  Uiher  Parfons  fays  the  word 
Sogkonatc  is  compounded  of  Seki, 
"black,"  konk,  "  goofe,"  and  the  fyl- 
lable  et  as  a  locative ;  thus  Scki-konk-et, 
Seconknet,  Second,  —  equivalent  to 
"  black-goofe-place."  [Indian  Names 
of  Places  in  R.-I.  p.  5.]  But  Mr. 
Trumbull  fays:  —  "If  konck  means 
goofe,  why  mould  an  Indian  prefix  the 
adjective  black,  as  defcriptive  of  the 
only  goofe  he  knew  anything  about? 
Then  Sucki  does  not  mean  '  black,' 
but  'purple,'  i.e.,  black  inclining  to 
blue,  as  we  fee  it  in  the  inner  margin  of 
a  quahaug  fhell.  Then,  again,  the  In- 
dian never  made  ufe  of  what  we  call 
names  of  places,  but  defcribed  his  lo- 
calities ;  never  calling  a  given  fituation 
'  black-filh '  or  '  black-goofe,'  and 
mull  have  violated  the  genius  of  his 
language    to    have    done    fo.      Then, 


further,  Sucki-honck,  or  its  plural,  Sucki- 
ho7ick-aog,  (for  it  is  hardly  probable  that 
one  black  goofe  would  defignate  the 
place,)  can  hardly  have  been  twitted 
into  Sogkonate  or  Saconet,  or  (as  Pref- 
ident  Stiles  writes  and  marks  the  name 
in  1760)  Sattconel."  "As  to  the  real 
meaning  of  the  word,"  Mr.  T.  adds, 
"I  am  troubled  by  the  etnbarras  de 
richejfes.  It  might  mean  Sokkauun-et, 
—  '  the  conquered  territory ' ;  or  Sozvan- 
ohqtcan-et,  —  'at  the  fouth  point';  or 
Sowa?iohkit  \_Rliot,  Gen.  xxiv.  62 ; 
Join.  xv.  19],  —  'the  fouth  country'; 
either  of  which  might  eafily  be  corrupt- 
ed into  Sauconet.     And  fo  on." 

7  It  was  a  common  provifion  in  the 
indentures  of  fervants  in  the  Plymouth 
Colony,  that  they  Ihould  have  land  af- 
figned  them  when  their  term  of  fervice 
expired.  In  1633-4,  land  for  fuch  ufe 
was  fet  apart  in  Scituate.  In  1636  the 
amount  of  five  acres  was  fixed  upon 
as  that  which  they  were  to  receive.  4 
June,  1661,  liberty  was  granted  to  thofe 
who  were  formerly  fervants,  who  have 
land  due  them  by  covenant,  to  nominate 
fome  perfons  to  be  deputed  in  their  be- 
half to  purchafe  a  parcel  of  land  for 
their  accommodation  at  Saconet.  Fur- 
ther order  to  fecure  the  right  of  thefe 
perfons  to  take  up  land  at  Saconet  was 
made  by  the  Court,  7  June,  1665.  4 
July,  1673,  the  following  Court  order  was 


[  I  ] 

Country,  &  was  pleafed  with  it;  makes  a  purchafe,8  fettled 


pafled  :  — "  Whereas  there  is  a  tracte  of 
land  graunted  to  the  old  fervants,  or  fuch 
of  them  as  are  not  elfewhere  fuppljed, 
lying  att  Saconett,  the  Court  doe  de- 
termine the  bounds  thereof  to  be  from 
the  bounds  of  the  graunt  made  to  Plym- 
outh att  Punckateefett  and  the  bounds 
of  Dartmouth,  and  foe  all  lands  fouth- 
erly  lying  between  that  and  the  fea ;  the 
Court  haue  likewife  giuen  them  order, 
or  fuch  as  they  mail  appoint,  to  make 
purchafe  thereof  in  theire  behalfe  as  oc- 
cation  fhall  require,  and  that  all  fuch 
pTons  as  haue  right  vnto  the  faid  graunt 
as  old  fervants  att  Saconett  fhall  make 
their  appeerance  att  Plymouth  on  the 
twenty  fecond  of  this  p'fent  July,  then 
and  theire  to  make  out  theire  right,  and 
alfoe  pay  fuch  disburfments  as  fhall  nef- 
fefarily  be  required,  or  otherwife  loofe 
theire  right." 

Agreeably  to  this  order  the  following 
29  perfons  appeared  at  Plymouth,   on 


faid  22  July,  viz :  Jofiah  Window, 
Efq. ;  Mr.  Conftant  Southworth  ;  Dan- 
iel Willcox;  Hugh  Cole  (in  right  of 
James  Cole,  fen.)  ;  Nicolas  Wade  and 
John  Culhing,  both  in  right  of  faid 
Nicolas  Wade ;  Thomas  Williams ; 
Benjamin  Church  (in  right  of  Richard 
Bilhop  and  alfo  in  right  of  Richard 
Beare) ;  John  Roufe,  jr.  (in  right  of 
Samuel  Chandler)  ;  William  Sherman, 
fen.;  Jofeph  Church  (in  right  of  John 
Smalley,  and  alfo  in  right  of  George 
Vicory)  ;  John  Rogers,  jun.  (in  right 
of  William  Tubbs)  ;  William  Merrick ; 
Martha  Dean  (in  right  of  Joseph  Bee- 
die)  ;  Simon  Roufe  (in  right  of  John 
Roufe,  fen.)  ;  William  Pabodie  (in  right 
of  Abraham  Samfon)  ;  Edward  Fobes 
(in  right  of  John  Fobes)  ;  John  Irilh, 
jun.  (in  right  of  John  Irilh,  fen.) ; 
Peter  Colomore ;  Daniel  Hayward  (in 
right  of  John  Hayward,  fen.) ;  Jofiah 
Cook;    John   Walhburne,    fen.,    "as    a 


8  Firft  ifTued  in  1716,  and  probably 
dictated  by  Col.  Church  to  his  fon 
Thomas  not  long  before  that  time,  it 
will  not  feem  furprifing  that  flight  in- 
accuracies lhould  occasionally  be  found 
in  this  narrative  of  what  took  place 
more  than  40  years  before.  There  is 
fome  evident  confufion  here.  The  orig- 
inal MS.  Proprietors'  Records  prove 
that  Church  had  bought  the  rights  of 
Richard  Bilhop  and  Richard  Beare  to 
Saconet  previous  to  22  July,  1673 ;  a 
courfe  which  he  here  feems  to  reprefent 
himfelf  as  taking  in  the  following  year, 


on  Capt.  Almy's  urgency.  Unlefs  the 
meeting  of  court  to  which  he  refers  (fee 
note  3)  was  the  firtt  for  that  year,  he 
mull  not  only  have  purchafed  thefe 
rights,  but  have  received  his  affignment 
of  lots  No.  19  and  No.  29,  before  the 
viewing  the  country  here  referred  to. 
I  think,  in  point  of  fact,  he  bought 
the  rights  on  Speculation,  and  went  down 
with  Capt.  Almy  to  look  at  his  two 
lots,  and  liked  them  fo  well  as  to  con- 
clude to  fettle  upon  them;  but  became 
confufed  in  his  memory  of  the  order  of 
events. 


[  I  ] 


a  Farm,  found  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Ifland9  very  Civil  & 
And   being   himfelf   a   Perfon    of   uncommon 


obliging 


freeman";  Thomas  Pope;  John  Rich- 
mond (in  right  of  John  Price)  ;  Walter 
Woodworth  (in  right  of  Thomas  Si- 
mons) ;  Nathaniel  Thomas  (in  right  of 
Nicolas  Preflong)  ;  Ephraim  Tinkham  ; 
Thomas  Pinfon;  and  William  Shirt- 
life.  They  "proved  their  rights,"  and 
agreed,  — 

i.  That  all  were  equal  proprietors 
of  the  granted  premifes,  "  that  is  to  fay, 
to  have  and  pay  alike,  according  to 
each  man's  proportion." 

2.  That  all  lands  on  their  grant  at 
Saconet  that  fhall  any  way  become 
alienated  from  the  Indians,  and  appro- 
priated to  the  Englifh,  "  mall  belong  and 
be  to  the  aforefaid  proprietors." 

3.  That  one  equal  fhare  ihall  be  ap- 
propriated "  to  the  ufe  of  the  miniftry, 
and  fo  to  remain  fuccefiively  forever." 

4.  That  no  perfon  lhall  appropriate 
to  himfelf  more  than  txvo  JJiares  at  Sa- 
conet, on  penalty  of  forfeiture  to  the 
company  of  all  fuch  overplus. 

5.  That  no  proprietor  ihall  alienate 
any  of  his  land  to  one  "not  related  to 
him  by  affinity  or  blood,"  without  con- 
fent  of  the  major  part  of  the  company, 
or  their  committee. 

6.  That  any  proprietor  not  paying, 
by  the  laft  of  October  next,  for  his  part 
of  what  might  have  been  purchafed  by 
the  laft  of  September  next,  with  his 
proportion  of  charges,  fhall  forfeit  his 
lhare  to  the  other  proprietors. 


7.  That  at  any  meeting  of  the  com- 
pany duly  warned,  the  major  part  of 
them  that  lhall  appear  fhall  have  full 
power  to  act  for  all,  except  to  difpofe 
of  any  of  the  lands. 

8.  That  William  Pabodie  fhall  be 
their  clerk. 

9.  That  Mr.  Conftant  Southworth, 
William  Pabodie,  and  Nathaniel  Thom- 
as, fhall  be  a  committee  to  act  for  them 
in  purchafing  of  the  Indians,  calling 
meetings,  "  and  fuch  other  occafions  as 
may  concern." 

Having  now  authority  to  extinguifh 
the  Indians'  titles  at  Saconet,  the  Com- 
mittee proceeded  to  the  work;  31  July, 
purchafing  of  Awafhonks,  Squaw-Sa- 
chem, for  £75,  the  land  from  Pachet 
brook  on  the  north,  to  a  landing-place 
called  Toothos,  and  a  white-oak  tree  in 
Tomfie  fwamp  (in  the  range  of  what  is 
now  called  Taylor's  Lane  —  fee  map), 
on  the  fouth  ;  with  a  depth,  from  the  bay 
on  the  weft,  of  one  mile  inland.  There 
feems,  however,  to  have  been  a  queftion 
of  ownerfhip  long  unfettled  among  the 
Indians ;  for  in  1662  [Plym.  Col.  Rec.  iv  : 
16]  Tatacomuncah,  and  a  Squaw-Sa- 
chem called  Namumpam  (Weetamoe, 
of  Pocaffet)  came  to  Plymouth  with 
complaints  againft  Wamfutta,  for  fell- 
ing Saconet  neck,  which  was  claimed 
by  them.  So,  to  make  a  fure  thing  of 
it,  the  Committee,  1  Nov.  1673,  re" 
purchafed   of  Mamanuah    (who   could 


9  The  ifland  of  RhodeTfland ;  in  plain  fight  acrofs  the  "  Eaft  Pafiage. 

4 


[  2  ] 

Activity  and  Induftry,  he  foon  ere<5ted  two  buildings  upon 
his  Farm,  and  gain'd  a  good  acquaintance  with  the 
Natives :  got  much  into  their  favour,  and  was  in  a  little 
time  in  great  efleem  among  them. 

The  next  Spring  advancing,10  while  Mr.  Church  was  dili- 
gently Settling  his  new  Farm,  flocking,  leafing  &  difpofing 
of  his  Affairs,  and  had  a  fine  profpe6l  of  doing  no  fmall 
things;  and  hoping  that  his  good  fuccefs  would  be  inviting 
unto  other  good  Men  to  become  his  Neighbours;  Behold! 
the  rumour  of  a  War  between  the  Englijli  and  the  Na- 
tives gave  check  to  his  projects.  People  began  to  be  very 
jealous  of  the  Indians,  and  indeed  they  had  no  fmall  reafon 
to  fufpe6t  that  they  had  form'd  a  defign  of  War  upon  the 
EnglifJi}x  Mr.  Church  had  it  daily  fuggefted  to  him  that 
the  Indians  were  plotting  a  bloody  defign.  That  Philip 
the  great  Mount-hope  Sachem  was  Leader  therein:  and 
fo  it  prov'd,  he  was  fending  his  Meffengers  to  all   [2]   the 

mow   an    agreement,  of  date    n  Mar.  the  whole  number.     Benjamin  Church 

1672,  from  his  brothers  Ofomehew  and  drew   Nos.    19    and   29.      \Plym.    Col. 

Pofotoquo,  and  from  Pacuftcheft,  Num-  Rcc.   i:  23,  44;    iii :  216;     iv:  97;    v: 

pouce,  and  Joham,  who  were  "nearly  125.       Original  AtS.    Records    of  the 

related,"  empowering  him  to  fell),  Ofo-  Proprietors  of  Saconet.~\ 

mehew,    Suckqua,   and  Anumpafh,  for  10  The    fpring    of    1675,    foon    after 

£3$,  the   fame   territory,  with  a  fmall  the  murder  of  Saffamon. 

addition.  n  The  many  friendly  and  Chriftian 

10   April,    1674,    the    company    met  Indians  in  their  intercourfe  with  their 

at  Duxbury,  divided  this  land  into  32  favage  acquaintances  came  to  the  knowl- 

fhares,  and  drew  lots  for  them.     There  edge  of  many  fufpicious  circumftances, 

were  29  proprietors ;  Benjamin  Church  and  it  was  their  teftimony  as  well  as 

and  his  brother  Jofeph  had  each  a  double  what  the  fettlers  themfelves  obferved, 

right,  and  the  10th  lot  was  agreed  upon  which  now  began  to  excite  their  solici- 

as  to  be  "the  minifter's  lot";  making  tude  for  the  future. 


[  2  ] 

Neighbouring  Sachems,  to  ingage  them  in  a  Confederacy 
with  him  in  the  War. 

Among  the  reft  he  fent  Six  Men  to  Azva/Iionks  Squaw- 
Sachem  of  the  Sogkonate  Indians,12  to  engage  her  in  his 
Interefts:  Awa/Iwnks  fo  far  liftened  unto  them  as  to  call 
her  Subjects  together,  to  make  a  great  Dance,  which  is 
the  cuftom  of  that  Nation  when  they  advife  about  Mo- 
mentous Affairs.  But  what  does  AwafJwnks  do,  but  fends 
away  two  of  her  Men  that  well  underftood  the  Engli/Ji 
Language  {Sajf anion  and  George™  by  Name)  to  invite  Mr. 


12  Aiva/honks  firft  appears  24  July, 
1671,  when  fhe  agrees  with  Plymouth 
Court  to  fubmit  herfelf  and  her  people, 
and  to  give  up  their  arms.  In  Auguft 
following  fhe  affixed  her  mark  to  a  letter 
written  to  Gov.  Prince  in  reference  to 
this  agreement.  20  June,  1672,  fhe 
agreed  to  fet  off  fome  land  in  mortgage 
to  Plymouth  Court,  in  fatisfaction  of  a 
debt  due  to  Mr.  John  Almy.  7  May, 
1673,  fhe  is  named  among  Sachems  to 
be  treated  with  by  the  Rhode-Ifland 
Affembly  "  to  confult  and  agree  of  fome 
way  to  prevent  the  extreme  excefs  of 
the  Indians'  drunkennefs."  31  July, 
1673,  fhe  fold  a  large  portion  of  the  ter- 
ritory claimed  by  her,  to  the  committee 
of  Saconet  proprietors.  7  July,  1674, 
fhe  is  complained  of  at  Plymouth  Court 
by  Mamanuah,  "  Chieffe  propriator  of 
the  lands  of  Saconett,"  for  "forcably 
detaining"  fome  of  his  land,  and  hinder- 
ing him  from  giving  poffeffion  of  it  to 
the  Englilh  to  whom  he  had  fold  the 
fame ;  and  their  refpective  rights  to  the 
land  were  made  the  fubjecl:  of  jury  trial, 


to  her  difcomfiture.  29  May,  1675, 
fhe  had  three  quarters  of  a  mile  fquare 
fet  off  to  her  by  the  Saconet  proprietors, 
on  the  fhore  immediately  fouth  of  the 
fouth  line  of  their  firft  purchafe.  In 
July,  1683,  fhe,  her  daughter  Betty,  and 
her  fon  Peter,  were  examined  at  Plym- 
outh Court  on  fufpicion  of  having 
murdered  a  child  of  faid  Betty;  but 
were  difmiffed  for  want  of  proof.  Her 
husband's  name  was  Wewayewitt.  She 
had,  befides  Peter  and  Betty  above 
named,  a  fon,  William  Mommyneivit, 
who  "was  put  to  Grammar  fchool  and 
learned  Latin,  defigned  for  college,  but 
was  feized  with  the  pally."  [Drake's 
Book  of  the  Indians,  250;  I  Mafs. 
Hijl.  Coll.  x:  114;  R.-I.  Col.  Rec.  ii : 
4S7;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v :  75 ;  vi:  113; 
vii :  191.     MS.  Rec.  Prof.  Saconet. .] 

13  Sajfamon  {Saujatnati)  was  one  of 
the  forty-two  Saconet  Indians,  who,  24 
July,  i67i,figned  a  paper  approving  the 
fubmiflion  which  Ait) a/honks  had  made. 
George  proved  himfelf  a  friend  to  the 
Englilh.     [Drake's  Indian  Biog.,  250.] 


[  3  ] 


Church  to  the  Dance.  Mr.  Church  upon  the  Invitation, 
immediately14  takes  with  him  Charles  Hazelton™  his  Ten- 
nants  Son,  who  well  underftood  the  Indian  Language,  and 
rid  down  to  the  Place  appointed:  Where  they  found 
hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  from  all  Parts  of 
her  Dominion.  Awajlwnks  her  felf  in  a  foaming  Sweat  was 
leading  the  Dance.  But  fhe  was  no  fooner  fenfible  of  Mr. 
Churches  arrival,  but  fhe  broke  off,  fat  down,  calls  her 
Nobles  round  her,  orders  Mr.  Church  to  be  invited  into 
her  prefence.  Complements  being  paft,  and  each  one  tak- 
ing Seats.  She  told  him,  King  Philip  had  fent  Six  Men 
of  his  with  two  of  her  People  that  had  been  over  at 
Mount-hope™  to  draw  her  into  a  confederacy  with  him  in 


14  It  would  feem  to  be  fettled  by  what 
follows,  that  this  was  in  the  early  part  of 
the  week  preceding  the  flrft  outbreak, 
which  would  affign  it  to  14-17  June, 
1675.  Blils  \_HtJi.  Rchoboth,  75]  fays 
it  was  on  the  15th. 

15  I  find  no  trace  of  this  name  in  the 
Plymouth  Colony  at  this  date.  There 
was  a  Charles  Hazelton  at  Ipfwich, 
1661-6.  Probably  this  "Tennant" 
might  have  come  from  Rhode-Illand. 
A  "Charles  Haftleton"  was  Grand 
Juror  at  a  Quarter  Seffions  held  at  Roch-*- 
efter,  for  Rhode-Ifland  and  Providence 
Plantations,  in  September,  168S.  [Sav- 
age's Gen.  Dicl.  ii :  395 ;  R.-I.  Col. 
Rec.  iii :  243.] 

16  Mount-Hope  was  the  eafy  and  in- 
evitable Anglicifm  of  Montop  (Afon- 
taup),  which  was  the  Indian  name  of  the 
hill  on  the  eaftern  fhore  of  what  is 
now    Briftol,  R.-I.,   fronting  Tiverton. 


Mount-Hope  neck  included  the  land 
running  down  into  the  bay,  fhaped 
by  Kikemuit  river  on  the  eaft  and 
north,  and  Warren  (or  Sozvams)  river 
on  the  weft;  being  fome  nine  miles  in 
length  by  from  two  miles  to  one  in 
width,  including  the  prefent  towns  of 
Warren  and  Briftol,  R.-I.  On  this 
neck  were  then  three  Indian  villages,  — 
Montaup,  near  the  hill ;  Kikemuit, 
around  the  fpring  of  that  name ;  and 
Sozvams,  on  the  fpot  where  the  village 
of  Warren  now  ftands.  Sozvams  was 
the  chief  feat  of  MafTafoit ;  Philip  feems 
to  have  more  identified  himfelf  with 
Montaup.  [Feffenden's  Warren,  R.-I. 
I3>  27,  65.] 

The  name  Montop  (Montaup  is  better 
Indian),  Mr.  Trumbull  fays,  has  pof- 
fibly  loft  an  initial  fyllable.  Ontop,  or 
Ontaup,  in  compound  words,  means 
"head,"    "  fummit."     If  the  name,   as 


[  2  ] 

a  War  with  the  EngliJJi.  Defiring  him  to  give  her  his  ad- 
vice in  the  cafe,  and  to  tell  her  the  Truth  whether  the 
Umpame11  Men  (as  Philip  had  told  her)  were  gathering  a 
great  Army  to  invade  Philips  Country.  He  affured  her 
he  would  tell  her  the  Truth,  and  give  her  his  beft  advice. 
Then  he  told  her  twas  but  a  few  days  lince  he  came  from 
Plymouth,  and  the  EngliJJi  were  then  making  no  Prepara- 
tions for  War;  That  he  was  in  Company  with  the  Prin- 
cipal Gentlemen  of  the  Government,  who  had  no  Dif- 
courfe  at  all  about  War;  and  he  believ'd  no  tho'ts  about 
it.18  He  ask'd  her  whether  fhe  tho't  he  would  have 
brought  up  his  Goods  to  Settle  in  that  Place,  if  he  ap- 
prehended an  entering  into  War  with  fo  near  a  Neigh- 
bour. She  feem'd  to  be  fome-what  convin'd  by  his  talk, 
and  faid  fhe  believ'd  he  fpoke  the  Truth. 

Then  fhe  called  for  the  Mount-hope  Men:  Who  made  a 
formidable  appearance,  with  their  Faces  Painted,  and  their 
Hair  Trim'd  up  in  Comb-fafhion,  with  their  Powder- 
written,  nearly  reprefents  the  Indian,  is  called  ftill  by  the  natives  of  Majfapee." 
it  is  unqueftionably  derived  from  moot,  [2  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.  iii :  175.] 
"black"  (or  dark-colored),  and  on  tup,  18  This   was    true.      The    authorities 

"head";  moo-ontop,  "black  head"; —  were  very  flow  to  believe  in  the  danger 
as  ivompont-up  (ufed  by  Eliot,  with  the  of  an  Indian  uprifing,  even  after  they 
participial  affix,  as  in  Levit.  xix.  32),  had  been  warned  by  friendly  Indians, 
for  "white  head,"  "  hoary  head."  One  and  were  witnefs  to  fome  of  Philip's 
may  readily  fuppofe  that,  when  this  fufpicious  movements.  The  Governor 
beautiful  fummit  was  thickly  wooded,  ordered  a  military  watch  to  be  kept  up 
this  name  would  be  a  natural  one  among  in  every  town,  but  took  no  other  notice 
the  Indians  for  it.  of  the  conduct  of  the  Indians,  hoping 

17  "  Umpame,  written  Apaum  in  the  that  the  ftorm  would  blow  over,  as  it 
Colony  Records,  is  the  name  of  Plym-  had  feveral  times  done  before,  [Goz>- 
outh    in    Church's   Hiftory;    and   fo   it      ernors  of  Netv  Plymouth,  182.] 


[3  ] 

horns,  and  Shot-bags  at  their  backs;  which  among  that 
Nation  is  the  poflure  and  figure  of  preparednefs  for  War. 
She  told  Mr.  Church?  thefe  were  the  Perfons  that  had 
brought  her  the  Report  of  the  Englifk  preparation  for 
War:  And  then  told  them  what  Mr.  Church  had  faid  in 
anfwer  to  it. 

Upon  this  began  a  warm  talk  among  the  Indians,  but 
'twas  foon  quafh'd,  and  AwaJJwnks  proceeded  to  tell  Mr. 
Church,  that  Philips  MefTage  to  her  was,  that  unlefs  fhe 
would  forth-with  enter  into  a  confederacy  with  him  in  a 
War  againft  the  EngliJJi,  he  would  fend  his  Men  over 
privately,  to  kill  the  EngliJJi  Cattel,  and  burn  their  Houfes 
on  that  fide  the  River,  which  would  provoke  the  EngliJJi 
to  fall  upon  her,  whom  they  would  without  doubt  fup-  [3] 
pofe  the  author  of  the  Mifchief.  Mr.  Church  told  her 
he  was  forry  to  fee  fo  threatning  an  afpe6l  of  Affairs;  and 
fteping  to  the  Mount-hopes,  he  felt  of  their  bags,  and  find- 
ing them  filled  with  Bullets,  ask'd  them  what  those  Bul- 
lets were  for:  They  fcoffingly  reply'd  to  fhoot  Pigeons 
with. 

Then  Mr.   Church  turn'd  to  AwaJJwnks,  and  told  her, 

if  Philip  were  refolv'd  to  make  War,  her  beft  way  would 

be  to  knock  thofe  Six  Mount-hopes  on  the  head,  and  fhelter 

her  felf  under  the  Protection  of  the  EngliJJi :  upon  which 

the  Monnt-Jwpcs  were  for  the  prefent  Dumb.     But  thofe 

two  of  AwaJJionks  Men  who  had  been  at  Mount-Jiope  ex- 

prefs'd  themfelves  in  a  furious  manner  againft  his  advice. 
2  9 


[3   ] 

And  Little  Eyes™  one  of  the  Queens  Council  joyn'd  with 
them,  and  urged  Mr.  Church  to  go  afide  with  him  among 
the  bufhes  that  he  might  have  fome  private  Difcourfe 
with  him,  which  other  Indians  immediately  forbid  being 
fenfible  of  his  ill  delign:  but  the  Indians  began  to  lide 
and  grow  very  warm.  Mr.  Church  with  undaunted  Cour- 
age told  the  Mount-hopes  they  were  bloody  wretches,  and 
thirfted  after  the  blood  of  their  Englijli  Neighbours,  who 
had  never  injur'd  them,  but  had  always  abounded  in  their 
kindnefs  to  them.  That  for  his  own  part,  tho'  he  defired 
nothing  more  than  Peace,  yet  if  nothing  but  War  would 
fatisfie  them,  he  believed  he  fhould  prove  a  fharp  thorne  in 
their  fides;  Bid  the  Company  obferve  thofe  Men  that 
were  of  fuch  bloody  dispolitions,  whether  Providence 
would  fuffer  them  to  Live  to  fee  the  event  of  the  War, 
which  others  more  Peaceably  difpofed  might  do. 

Then  he  told  Awaflwnks  he  thought  it  might  be  moft 
advifable  for  her  to  fend  to  the  Governour  of  Plymouth^ 
and  fhelter  her  felf,  and  People  under  his  Protection.  She 
lik'd  his  advice,  and  defired  him  to  go  on  her  behalf  to 
the  Plymouth  Government,  which  he  confented  to:  And  at 

19  Little  Eyes  with  his  family  deferted  1673,  and  Jofias  Window  was  chofen 
the  Saconets  when  they  made  friends  his  fucceffor  in  the  following  June.  He 
with  Plymouth.  He  was  taken  prifoner  was  the  only  fon  of  the  firft  Governor 
during  the  progrefs  of  the  war,  when  Window  by  his  fecond  marriage;  in 
Capt.  Church  was  urged  to  take  revenge  1652,  had  military  command  in  Marfh- 
for  the  hoftility  here  ciifplayed,  but  re-  field;  165S,  was  Major,  then  Command- 
plied  that  "it  was  not  Englifhmen's  fafh-  er;  1675,  General-in-Chief  againft 
ion  to  feek  revenge,"  and  gave  him  the  Philip.  [Govs.  Nciu  Plym.  175-196; 
fame  good  quarter  with  the  reft.  N.  E.  Hiji.  and  Gen.  Reg.  iv  :  297.] 

2a  Gov.  Prince  died  in  the  fpring  of 


[3  ] 

parting  advifed  her  what  ever  me  did,  not  to  defert  the 
EngliJJi  Intereft,  to  joyn  with  her  Neighbours  in  a  Rebel- 
lion which  would  certainly  prove  fatal  to  her.  [He 
mov'd  none  of  his  Goods  from  his  Houfe  that  there  might 
not  be  the  leaft  umbrage  from  such  an  A6tion.]  She 
thank'd  him  for  his  advice,  and  fent  two  of  her  Men  to 
guard  him  to  his  Houfe;21  which  when  they  came  there, 
urged  him  to  take  care  to  fecure  his  Goods,  which  he  re- 
fufed  for  the  reafons  before  mentioned.  But  deiired  the 
Indians,  that  if  what  they  feared,  mould  happen,  they 
would  take  care  of  what  he  left,  and  directed  them  to  a 
Place  in  the  woods  where  they  mould  difpofe  them; 
which  they  faithfully  obferved. 

He  took  his  leave  of  his  guard,  and  bid  them  tell  their 
Miftrefs,  if  fhe  continued  fteady  in  her  dependence  on  the 
Englijh,  and  kept  within  her  own  limits  of  Sogkonate^  he 
would  fee  her  again  quickly;  and  then  haftned  away  to 
Pocaffct,  where  he  met  with  Peter  Nunnuit^  the  Husband 

21  Situated  on  lot  No.  19,  which  was  examination  of  the  Proprietors'  and 
629  rods  fouth  of  Pachet  brook;  be-  early  town  records,  and  of  the  original 
ing  the  farm  in  Little  Compton  now  deeds  from  the  Indians,  I  think  that 
owned  and  occupied  by  Mr.  John  B.  Awalhonks's  territories  centered  about 
Rowland,  on  the  weft  fide  of  the  road,  Tompe  fwamp,  —  lying  along  the  weft- 
—  oppofite  to  the  fchool-houfe,  —  nearly  ern  lhore  of  the  peninfula  of  Saconet, 
two  miles  fouth  of  the  prefent  Tiverton  from  the  fouth  fide  of  "  Windmill  hill  " 
line.  to  what  is  now  the  Breakwater. 

22  It  is  difficult  to  make  out  the  ex-  23  This  Indian';;  name  was  Petonotvo- 
ac~t  limits  of  the  fmall  Sachemdoms  wet,  or  Pe-tan-a-miet,  which  the  Eng- 
which  divided  between  them  what  is  lifh  corrupted  eafily  into  Peter  Nunnuit. 
now  Little  Compton  and  Tiverton,  8  May,  1673,  he,  with  two  other  In- 
R.-I.  It  is  doubtful  if  thole  limits  were  dians,  fold  a  lot  of  land  in  Swanfey  to 
ever  very  well  defined.      But  from  an  Nathaniel  Paine  and  Hugh  Cole,  for 


[4] 


of  the  Queen  of  Pocajffet^  who  was  juft  then  come  over 
in  a  Canoo  from  Moimt-hope.  Peter  told  him  that  there 
would  certainly  be  War;  for  Philip  had  held  a  [4]  Dance 
of  feveral  Weeks  continuance,  and  had  entertain'd  the 
Young  Men  from  all  Parts  of  the  Country:  And  added 
that  Philip  expected  to  be  fent  for  to  Plymouth  to  be  exam- 
ined about  Sci/amoris^  death,  who  was  Murder'd  at  Affa- 


£35  55.  He  was,  about  the  fame  time, 
a  witnefs  in  regard  to  a  land  cafe  on 
Taunton  river.  In  Philip's  war  he  for- 
fook  his  wife  and  fought  with  the  Eng- 
lilh.  In  1676  (ordered  by  the  Council, 
22  July,  and  confirmed  by  the  Court, 
1  November)  he,  with  Numpas  and 
Ifacke,  was  made  infpector  of  Indian 
prifoners  who  had  applied  "for  accept- 
ence  to  mercye  "  from  "  the  weftermoft 
fyde  of  Sepecan  Riuer,  and  foe  weft- 
ward  to  Dartmouth  bounds."  He  was 
then  ftyled  Sachem  Ben  Petananuett. 
[Drake's  Book  of  hid.  188;  Plym.  Col. 
Rec.  v:   210,  215.] 

24  This  was  Weetamoe,  (or  Namutn- 
f  am),  who  had  been  the  wife  of  Philip's 
elder  brother  Wamfutta,  or  Alexander. 
The  author  of  the  Old  Indian  Chron- 
icle [p.  8]  intimates  that  fhe  believed 
her  husband  had  been  poifoned  by  the 
Englilh,  and  that  this  made  her  more 
willing  to  liften  to  Philip.  In  October, 
1659,  ihe  was  at  Plymouth  to  fecure  the 
third  part  of  the  pay  for  fome  land  which 
Alexander  had  fold ;  and  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  the  fame.  3  June,  1662, 
fhe  complained,  at  Plymouth,  of  fome 
infringement  on  her  rights  in  Wamfut- 
ta's  fale  of  Saconet.  At  the  fame  time 
advice  was  given  to  her  and  her  huf- 


band,  Alexander,  (here  called  Qiiiquc- 
quanchctt,)  in  reference  to  difficulties 
exifting  between  them  and  Philip  in 
regard  to  the  entertaining  of  fome  Nar- 
raganfett  Indians  againft  Philip's  good- 
will. Weetamoe  did  not  follow  her  fec- 
ond  husband,  as  he  appears  to  have  ex- 
pected lhe  would,  to  the  Englilh.  She 
united  her  fortunes  to  thofe  of  Philip, 
and  miferably  perilhed,  when  her  head 
was  cut  off  and  fet  on  a  pole  at  Taun- 
ton. [Drake's  Book  of  Ind.  187;  Plym. 
Col.  Rec.  iv:  17,  24,  186.] 

25  Saffamon  (or  Wujfanfmon)  was  born 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Dorchefter,  be- 
came a  convert  and  was  educated,  and 
employed  as  a  fchoolmafter  at  Natick, 
and  is  faid  to  have  aided  John  Eliot  in 
translating  the  Indian  Bible.  After  a 
time  he  left  the  Englilh  and  became 
Philip's  fecretary,  and,  as  fuch,  privy  to 
his  defigns.  Subfequently  he  returned 
to  his  Chriftian  faith,  and  became  teach- 
er to  the  Nemaskets,  whofe  chief,  Wa- 
tufpaquin,  gave  him  a  houfe-lot  in  Af- 
fawompfett  neck  (Middleborough),  with 
one  alfo  to  his  fon-in-law.  He  revealed 
Philip's  plot  to  the  government  at  Plym- 
outh, and  not  long  after  (29  Jan. 
1674-5)  was  found  dead,  under  the  ice 
on  Affawompfett  pond,  with  marks  of 


[4] 


mw^T'-Ponds;26  knowing  himfelf  guilty  of  contriving  that 
Murder.  The  fame  Peter  told  him  that  he  faw  Mr.  James 
Brown'11  of  Swanzey™  and  Mr.  Sarmiel  Gorton®  who  was 
an  Interpreter,  and  two  other  Men  who  brought  a  Letter 
from  the  Governour  of  Plymouth  to  Philip.  He  obferv'd 
to  him  further,  that  the  Young  Men  were  very  eager  to 
begin  the  War,  and  would  fain  have  kiil'd  Mr.  Brown,  but 
Philip  prevented  it;  telling  them,  that  his  Father  had 
charged  him  to  fhew  kindnefs  to  Mr.  Brow7i.so     In  fhort, 


violence.  Three  Indians  were  tried  and 
executed  for  his  murder,  there  being 
little  doubt  that  it  had  occurred  by 
Philip's  command.  [Mather's  Relation, 
74;  Hubbard's  Narrative,  14;  N.  E. 
Hift.  and  Gen.  Reg.  xv  :  43,  149.] 

26  Affaivompfett  {Soivampfit,  Sotvam- 
fcf)  pond  is,  with  its  connecting  ponds, 
the  largeft  meet  of  water  in  Plymouth 
County  not  merely,  but  in  Maffachu- 
fetts ;  being  fome  fix  miles  long  by  a 
width  varying  from  four  miles  to  a  few 
rods.  It  lies  partly  in  Rochefter,  more  in 
Middleborough,  moft  in  the  new  town 
of  Lakeville.  President  Stiles,  on  the 
authority  of  "Jonathan  Butterworth,  cet. 
63,  of  Rehoboth,"  in  1762,  fays  that 
"  AfTawampfett  is  fo  called  from  a  place 
or  patch  of  beech-trees,  called  in  Indian 
faw  amp  s  ;  so  AJfaivampfett,  Saivatnp- 
fett,  both  names  of  the  fame  place." 
But  he  adds,  "  Soivampjit  fignifies  'a 
fmall  pond  encompaffed  -with  trees ' ; 
fotvamps, '  beech-trees'1 ;  and  putting  both 
together,  fignifies  a  potid  of  -water  ivitk 
beech-trees  grozving  around  it."  Mr. 
Trumbull  comments,  "  I  don't  believe 
a  word  of  this ;  but  as  Prefident  Stiles  is 


refpedtable  authority,  and  Butterworth 
can't  be  impeached,  I  give  it,  for  what 
it  is  worth.  Sowams,  Sozvamps  ('  Sazv- 
hames  bay.'  Winthrop's  Journal,  ii : 
121,  note)  is  the  fignificant  word;  the 
et  marking  the  locative." 

27  James  Brown  was  born  probably  in 
England ;  was  the  fon  of  John,  eminent 
in  the  Colony,  being  feventeen  years 
Afiiftant  and  many  years  Commifiioner 
of  the  United  Colonies.  James  was  alfo 
Afiiftant  in  various  years  from  1665  to 
1684.  He  died  at  Wannamoifett,  in 
Swanfey,  29  OcL  17 10,  aged  S7,  leav- 
ing two  fons,  James  and  Jabez,  and  one 
daughter,  Dorothy  Kent.  [Baylies's 
Plym.    Col.   iv :    18 ;    Blifs's   Rehoboth, 

53,  75,  73-] 

28  Szvanfey  then  included  Somerfet, 
Mafs.,  and  Barrington,  R.-L,  with  a 
portion  of  Warren,  R.-L,  befides  the 
prefent  town  of  Swanfey.  [Blifs's  Re- 
hoboth, 1.] 

29  The  man  of  that  name  famous  in 
the  early  controverfies  of  New  Eng- 
land. 

30  Mr.  John  Brown,  father  of  this 
Mr.  Brown,  was  a  man  of  great  kind- 


13 


[4] 

Philip  was  forc'd  to  promife  them  that  on  the  next  Lords- 
Day  when  the  EnglifJi  were  gone  to  Meeting  they  mould 
rifle  their  Houfes,  and  from  that  time  forward  kill  their 
Cattel. 

Peter  defir'd  Mr.  Church  to  go  and  fee  his  Wife,  who 
was  but  up  the  hill;31  he  went  and  found  but  few  of  her 
People  with  her.  She  faid  they  were  all  gone,  againft  her 
Will  to  the  Dances;  and  fhe  much  fear'd  there  would  be  a 
War.  Mr.  Church  advis'd  her  to  go  to  the  Ifland32  and 
fecure  her  felf,  and  thofe  that  were  with  her;  and  fend  to 
the  Governour  of  Plymouth  who  fhe  knew  was  her  friend ; 
and  fo  left  her,  refolving  to  haften  to  Plymouth,  and  wait 
on  the  Governour:  and  he  was  fo  expeditious  that  he 
was  with  the  Governour  early  next  Morning,33  tho'  he 
waited  on  fome  of  the  Magiftrates  by  the  way,  who 
were  of  the  Council  of  War,34  and  alfo  met  him  at  the 

nefs   of  heart,    a   friend   of  toleration,         32  Rhode-Ifland. 

and  the  firft  of  the  Plymouth    magif-  ffl  The  diftance  —  making  allowance 

trates  who  doubted   the  expediency  of  for  the  indiredtnefs  of  the  Indian  paths — 

coercing  the  people  to  fupport  the  min-  could  not  have  been  lefs,  probably,  than 

iftry.     Thefe  qualities  would  naturally  forty-two  miles  from  Pocaffet,  and  nearly 

endear  him  to  MalTafoit,  to  whom   he  fifty  from  Church's  houfe   at  Saconet. 

was  a  neighbor,  and  lead  that  good  old  The  date  of  his  arrival  was  Wednefdav, 

chief  to  give  the  charge  which  Philip  16  June,  1675.      \_N.  E.  Hijl.  a?id  Gen. 

mentions,   in  reference  to   his   family.  Reg.  xv :  260.] 

Mr.  James  Brown,  indeed,  feems  to  34  The  Council  of  War  was  a  body 
have  inherited  his  father's  difpofition,  which  was  empowered  to  ac~l  ipecially 
and  it  was  at  his  urgent  folicitation  that  on  military  queftions,  and  was  compofed 
this  letter  was  fent  to  promote  peace.  of  the  Governor  and  Affiftants  ex  officio, 
[Blifs's  Rehobotk,  75.]  and  of  others  fpecially  appointed.  The 
31  Tiverton  heights,  which  the  upper  laft  record  of  election  previous  to  Phil- 
road  to  Fall  River  climbs  almoft  imme-  ip's  war  was,  7  July,  167 1,  when  Capt. 
diately  after  leaving  the  Stone  bridge.  Mathew  Fuller,    Leift.    Ephraim    Mor- 


[4] 


Governours.  He  gave  them  an  account  of  his  obferva- 
tions  and  difcoveries,  which  confirmed  their  former  intel- 
ligences, and  haftned  their  preparation  for  Defence. 

Philip  according  to  his  promife  to  his  People,  permitted 
them  to  March  out  of  the  Neck35  on  the  next  Lords- 
Day,36  when  they  plundred  the  neareft  Houfes37  that  the 
Inhabitants  had  deferted:38  but  as  yet  offer'd  no  violence 
to  the  People,  at  left  none  were  killed.  However  the 
alarm  was  given  by  their  Numbers,  and  hoftile-Equipage, 
and  by  the  Prey  they  made  of  what  they  could  find  in  the 
forfaken  Houfes. 

An  exprefs  came  the  fame  day39  to  the  Governour,  who 
immediately  gave  orders  to  the  Captains  of  the  Towns  to 


ton,  Enfign  Mark  Eames,  Cornett  Rob- 
ert Studfon,  Mr.  Jonas  Window,  fen., 
Sec.  Nathaniel  Morton,  and  Meffrs. 
James  Walker,  Thomas  Huckens,  and 
Ifacke  Chettenden,  were  chofen  by  the 
Court,  and  fworn.     \Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v  : 

73-] 

3,5  The  narrow  ftrip  between  Kike- 
muit  and  Warren  rivers,  by  which  the 
peninfula  of  Mount-Hope,  or  Pock- 
anocket,  was  joined  to  the  main-land 
at  Swanfey. 

3lj  20  June,  1675.  [Trumbull's  Hijl. 
Conn.  1  :  327.] 

37  Thefe  were  probably  the  houfes 
which  Judge  Davis  refers  to  where  he 
fays,  "  There  was  a  fettlement  within 
Mount-Hope  neck  appertaining  to 
Swanfey.  It  contained  eighteen  houfes, 
all  deftroyed."  [Davis's  Alorton's  Me- 
morial, 463.]  This  was  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  what  is  now  Warren,  R.-I. 


33  "  Tenantlefs  for  the  time,  in  con- 
fequence  of  their  occupants  being  ab- 
fent  at  church."  [Feffenden's  Warren, 
66.]  Mr.  Drake  fuggefts  \Notes  on  the. 
Indian  Wars  in  N.  E.,  in  N.  E.  Hijl. 
and  Gen.  Reg.  xv  :  154],  on  the  author- 
ity of  Window's  and  Hinckley's  Nar- 
rative of  the  Beginning  and  Progrejs 
of  the  Prejcnt  Troubles,  that  the  people 
had  deferted  them  through  fear. 

39  The  meffenger  reached  Plymouth 
at  "  break  of  day,"  Monday  morning. 
[Barry's  Majs.  i :  410.]  Befides  fend- 
ing exp relics  to  the  Captains  of  the 
towns,  the  Court,  on  Tuefday,  iffued  a 
proclamation  for  a  faft  on  the  next 
Thurfday.  That  proclamation  was  as 
follows  [Blifs's  Rehoboth,  79]  :  — 

"  The  Council  of  this  Colony,  taking 
"  into  their  feriousconfideration  the  awe- 
"  ful  hand  of  God  upon  us,  in  permitting 
"  the  heathen  to  carry  it  with  infolency 


15 


[4  J 


March  the  greateft  Part  of  their  Companies,  and  to  ran- 
dezvous  at  Taunton,  on  Monday  Night,  where  Major  Brad- 
ford® was  to  receive  them,  and  difpofe  them  under  Capt. 
(now  made  Major)  Cutworth^  of  Situate.     The  Govern- 


"  and  rage  againft  us,  appearing  in  their 
"great  hoftile  preparations,  and  alfo 
"  fome  outrageous  carriages,  as  at  other 
"  times,  fo  in  fpecial,  the  laft  Lord's 
"  day  to  fome  of  our  neighbours  at 
"  Swanfey,  to  the  apparent  hazard  if 
"  not  real  lofs  of  the  lives  of  fome  al- 
"  ready;  do  therefore  judge  it  a  folemn 
"  duty,  incumbent  upon  us  all,  to  lay  to 
"  heart  this  difpenfation  of  God,  and 
"  do  therefore  commend  it  to  all  the 
"  churches,  minifters,  and  people  of  this 
"  colony  to  fet  apart  the  24th  day  of  this 
"  inftant,  June,  which  is  the  5th  day  of 
"  this  week,  wherein  to  humble  our 
"  felves  before  the  Lord  for  all  thofe 
"  fins  whereby  we  have  provoked  our 
"  good  God  fadly  to  interrupt  our  peace 
"  and  comfort,  and  alfo  humbly  to  feek 
"  his  face  and  favour  in  the  gracious 
"  continuance  of  our  peace  and  privi- 
"  leges,  and  that  the  Lord  would  be  en- 
"  treated  to  go  forth  with  our  forces, 
"  and  blefs,  fucceed  and  profper  them, 
"  delivering  them  from  the  hands  of  his 
"  and  our  enemies,  fubduing  the  heathen 
"before  them,  and  returning  them  all 
"  in  fafety  to  their  families  and  relations 
"again;  and  that  God  would  prepare 
"  all  our  hearts  humbly  to  fubmit  to  his 
"  good  pleafure  concerning  us. 

"  By  orders  of  the  Court  of  N.  P. 
"  Nathaniel  Morton,  Secretary. 
"  Plymouth,  June  22,  1675." 

Befides   the    12    churches    and    min- 
ifters of  the  "  Standing  Order,"  there 


was  then  one  Baptift  church,  formed  in 
Rehoboth  in  1663,  of  which  Rev.  John 
Myles  was  Paftor,  to  accommodate 
which  with  a  place  "  where  they  might 
not  prejudice  any  exifting  church," 
they  had  been  incorporated,  in  1667,  as 
the  town  of  Swanfey.  This,  of  courfe, 
was  the  neareft  church  to  the  fcene  of 
the  breaking  out  of  Philip's  war,  and  it 
was,  doubtlefs,  to  their  meeting-houfe 
—  which  ftood  a  few  rods  fouth  of  the 
fouth  line  of  Rehoboth,  on  the  road 
leading  to  the  houfe  of  the  late  Mr. 
Squire  Allen,  about  fifteen  or  twenty 
rods  from  the  main  road  leading  from 
Warren  to  Seekonk  and  Providence  — 
that  the  fettlers  had  gone,  on  Lord's  Day, 
June  20,  when  their  houfes  were  plun- 
dered by  the  Indians  in  the  firft  aflault. 
[Bafitijl  Memorial,  iv  :  227.] 

40  William  Bradford,  fecond  fon  of 
Gov.  William,  of  imperifhable  mem- 
ory, was  born  17  June,  1624,  and  was, 
next  to  Miles  Standifti,  a  chief  foldier  of 
the  Colony.  He  was  Affiftant  Treafurer 
and  Deputy  Governor  from  1682  to 
16S6,  and  from  16S9  to  1691,  and  in  the 
latter  year  one  of  the  Council  of  Maffa- 
chufetts.  He  married  (1)  Alice  Rich- 
ards, (2)  Widow  Wifwall,  (3)  Widow 
Holmes  ;  lived  in  what  is  now  Kingfton, 
on  the  fouth  fide  of  Jones's  river,  and 
died  20  Feb.  1703-4,  aged  nearly  80. 
\N.  E.  Hiji.  and  Gen.  Reg.  iv :  45.] 

41  James  Cudxvorih  was  in  Scituate 
in  1634,  lived  for  a  time  in  Barnftable, 


16 


[5  ] 

our  defired  Mr.  Church  to  give  them  his  Company,  and 
to  ufe  his  intereft  in  their  behalf  with  the  Gentlemen  of 
Rhode-IJland?1  He  comply'd  with  it,  and  they  March'd 
the  next  day.43  Major  Bradford  defired  Mr.  Church  with 
a  commanded  party  confifting  of  Englijli  and  fome  Friend- 
Indians,  to  March  in  the  Front  at  fome  diftance  from  the 
Main  body.  Their  orders  were  to  keep  fo  far  before,  as 
not  be  in  light  of  the  Army.  And  fo  they  did,  for  by  the 
way,  they  killed  a  Deer,  [5]  flead,  roafted,  and  eat  the 
molt  of  him  before  the  Army  came  up  with  them.  But 
the  Plymouth  Forces  foon  arriv'd  at  Swanzey,  and  were 


but  returned  to  Scituate ;  was  Deputy 
for  feveral  years  ;  Captain  of  the  mili- 
tia, 1652 ;  Affiftant,  1656-8 ;  was  de- 
prived of  his  command  and  offices  and 
diffranchifed,  1658-73,  being  a  friend 
of  toleration,  and  fo  judged  an  "  oppof- 
er  of  the  Government."  In  1674  he 
was  chofen  Affiftant,  and  in  1675  "  Gen- 
eral and  Commander  in  Chief"  for 
Philip's  war.  In  1682  he  went  to  Eng- 
land for  the  Colony,  to  obtain  a  new 
Charter,  where  he  took  the  fmall-pox 
and  died.  He  was  "  paft  feventy  "  when 
he  took  the  field  at  this  time  againft 
Philip.     [Deane's  Scituate,  245-251.] 

42  To  underftand  this  expreffion  it  is 
needful  to  remember  that  Rhode-Ifland 
had  been  excluded  from  the  Confederacy 
of  the  Colonies  formed  for  mutual  de- 
fence in  1643 :  "  on  account  of  her 
heretical  toleration  of  religious  freedom, 
and  her  open  advocacy  of  liberty  of  con- 
fcience,"  fays  the  Editor  of  Eafton's 
Narrative ;  "upon  grounds  which  re- 

3 


fleet  no  credit  upon  the  Puritan  con- 
federates," says  Arnold  ;  "  becaufe  they 
had  not  been  able  to  inftitute  a  govern- 
ment, fuch  as  could  be  relied  on  for  the 
fulfilment  of  the  ftipulations  mutually 
made  by  the  Four  Colonies,"  with  more 
juftice,  fays  Palfrey.  Thus  ftanding  by 
themfelves,  no  claim  for  aid  could  be 
made  upon  her  citizens,  while  the  fact 
that  their  interefts  were,  in  the  refpects 
now  involved,  one  with  thofe  of  the 
Confederacy,  made  it  probable,  that,  if 
fuitably  approached  —  by  one  of  their 
friends,  as  Church  was  —  they  would 
furniih  fuch  aid  as  might  be  in  their 
power.  Eafton  fays  that  the  Governor 
of  Plymouth  wrote  them  at  this  junc- 
ture, "to  defier  our  Help  with  fum 
Boats  if  they  had  fuch  Ocation,  and  for 
us  to  looke  to  our  felfs."  [Eafton's 
Narrative,  vi,  16;  Arnold's  Hijl. 
Rhode- IJland,  i:  1 15;  Palfrey's  Hijl. 
Nezv  Englatid,  i :  629.] 
43  Tuefday,  22  June,  1675. 


17 


[5  ] 

polled  at  Major  Browns  and  Mr.  Miles 's  Garrifons44  chiefly; 
and  were  there  foon  joyned45  with  thofe  that  came  from 
Maffachufetts^  who  had  entred  into  a  Confederacy  with 
their  Plymouth  Brethren,  againft  the  Perfidious  Heathen. 

The  Enemy  who  began  their  Hoftilities  with  plundring 
and  deflroying  Cattel,  did  not  long  content  themfelves 
with  that  game.  They  thirfled  for  EngliJJi  blood,  and  they 
foon  broach'd  it;47  killing  two  Men   in  the  way  not  far 


44  Myles's  Garrifon  was  the  fortified 
houfe  of  the  Rev.  John  Myles,  paftor  of 
the  Baptift  Church  in  Swanfey  [fee  note 
39,  ante~\,  which  is  fuppofed  to  have 
ftood  in  what  is  now  Barneyville,  about 
75  rods  a  little  north  of  due  weft  from 
Miles's  bridge,  which  croffes  Palmer 
(or  Warren)  river  about  three  miles 
north  of  Warren,  R.-I.  Mr.  Myles 
was  put  to  fo  much  expenfe  by  the  war, 
that,  25  Feb.  1679,  it  was  voted  by  the 
town  that  "  Mr.  John  Myles  fhall  have 
the  houfe  built  for  him  to  indemnify  him 
for  debts  due  him  in  the  time  of  the  In- 
dian war,  in  full  of  his  demands,"  etc. 
[MS.  Haile  Records,  42.]  The  po- 
fition  of  Maj.  Brown's  [fee  note  27,  ante~\ 
garrifon  has  not  been  exactly  identified, 
but  it  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  in  the  fame 
part  of  Swanfey  with  Myles's  garrifon. 

45  The  Plymouth  forces  probably 
reached  Swanfey  on  the  afternoon  of 
Tuefday,  22  June,  or,  at  furtheft,  on 
Wednefday,  23  June ;  while  the  firft  of 
the  Maffachufetts  forces  left  Bofton  on 
Saturday,  26  June,  and  all  of  them  ar- 
rived at  Swanfey  on  Monday,  28  June. 
[Feffenden's  Warren,  66,  69.] 

4U  The  Maffachufetts  forces,  on  this 


occafion,  confifted  of  a  troop  of  horfe 
under  Capt.  Thomas  Prentice,  one  of 
foot  under  Capt.  Daniel  Henchman, 
and  one  hundred  and  ten  "volunteers" 
under  Capt.  Samuel  Mofley.  Money 
had  been  a  "Privateer  at  Jamaica," 
and  his  "volunteers"  included  ten  or 
twelve  pirates  under  fentence  of  death, 
who  were  taken  out  of  jail  to  join  the 
command,  and  promifed  life  on  good 
behavior.  Three  Chriftian  Indians  — 
James  and  Thomas  Quannapohutt  and 
Zeckary  Abram  —  were  attached  to 
Capt.  Prentice's  troop  as  guides.  Sev- 
eral dogs  —  to  be  ufed  in  hunting  the 
Indians  —  were  with  Mofley's  company. 
[Drake's  Hiji.  of  Bofton,  i :  402 ;  N.  E. 
Hijt.  and  Gen.  Reg.  xv  :  262  ;  Tranfac- 
tions  Amer.  Antiquarian  Society,  ii : 
441.] 

47  It  is  very  difficult  to  harmonize  the 
various  conflicting  authorities  fo  as  to 
be  certain  when,  or  in  what  manner,  the 
firft  blood  was  drawn.  Rev.  Abiel 
Fifher,  in  his  hiftory  of  the  Firft  Baptift 
Church  in  Swanfey,  fays  that  Eldad 
Kingfley  —  one  of  its  members  —  was 
the  firft  man  flain,  on  Faft-day,  the  24th, 
at    Swanfey.       The    Breiff  Nar ratine 


[5  J 

from  Mr.  Miles'^  Garrifon.  And  foon  after,  eight  more 
at  Mattapoifet'.^  Upon  whofe  bodies  they  exercifed  more 
than  brutiih  barbarities ;  beheading,  dif-membring  and 
mangling  them,  and  expoling  them  in  the  moft  inhumane 
manner,  which  gafh'd  and  ghoftly  objects  ftruck  a  damp 
on  all  beholders. 

The  Enemy  flufh'd  with  thefe  exploits,  grew  yet  bolder, 
and  skulking  every  where  in  the  bufhes,  fhot  at  all  PafTen- 
gers,  and  kill'd  many  that  ventured  abroad.  They  came 
fo  near  as  to   moot  down  two   Sentinels   at  Mr.  Miles'^ 


prefented  by  the  Plymouth  Colony  to 
the  "  Commiffioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,"  which  feems  to  have  been 
prepared  with  minute  care,  mentions  as 
the  firft  perfon  killed,  "  on  the  24* 
Thomas  layton  was  flaine  att  the  fall 
Riuer."  Hubbard  and  moft  writers 
name  the  24th,  —  Thurfday,  the  day  of 
Faft.  But  the  anonymous  author  of  the 
Prefcnt  State  of  New  England  with 
refpe<3  to  the  Indian  War  [p.  5]  fays 
that  "  the  firft  that  was  killed  was  June 
23d";  while  Baylies  [Hi/l.  New  Plym. 
Col.  iii :  33]  feems  to  fpecify  the  22d. 
[See  Blifs's  Rchoboth,  80-84;  Baptijl 
Memorial,  iv :  232 ;  Fefienden's  War- 
ren, 68,  69;  Eafton's  Narrative,  17; 
Plym.  Col.  Rec.  x :  364 ;  Drake's  Notes 
on  the  Indian  Wars,  in  N.  E.  Hijl.  and 
Gen.  Reg.  xv :  156,  etc.,  for  various 
particulars  bearing  on  the  queftion.] 
Niles  [Hijl.  of  Indian  and  French 
Wars,  3  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.  vi :  178,  etc.] 
carelefily  defcribes  all  thefe  occurrences 
as  being  in  1674,  inftead  of  1675. 

48   Mattapoifet  (Alatlapoyfett,  Meta- 


poifet,  Matapuyjl,  Mattapoife),  was  the 
fmall  peninfula  running  into  Mount- 
Hope  bay  oppofite  the  fouthweftern  ex- 
tremity of  Somerfet,  having  Cole's  river 
on  the  weft,  and  Lee's  river  on  the  eaft ; 
now  called  Gardner's  neck.  Parfons 
[Indian  Names  of  Places  in  R.-I.  16] 
fays  the  word  means  "  crying  chief." 
Trumbull  fays  "  it  does  not  mean  '  cry- 
ing chief.'  The  Indians  never  gave 
names  of  perfons,  or  animate  objects  to 
places,  unlefs  with  an  adjective  or  verb 
compounded,  to  mark  the  relation  of 
perfon  to  thing,  e.  g.  a  pond  might  be 
called  '  a  fiihing-place  for  pickerel,'  or 
a  hill  '  the  camping  place  of  Sofo,'  but 
never  '  pickerel,'  or  '  Sofo.'  Metapoi- 
fet,  or  Matapyjl,  feems  to  be  identical 
with  MatabcJ'ct  (Mattapeafet,  Mat- 
tabefick),  the  name  of  Middletown, 
Conn.  This  name  looks  like  a  deriva- 
tive of  mattappu,  '  he  fits  down '  or 
'  refts,'  and  I  know  of  no  other  word 
from  which  it  can  be  derived.  But  I 
am  by  no  means  confident  that  it  is 
from  this." 


19 


[5  ] 


Garrifon,  under  the  very  Nofes  of  moft  of  our  Forces. 
Thefe  provocations  drew  out  the  refentments  of  fome49  of 
Capt.  Prenticesm  Troop,  who  defired  they  might  have 
liberty  to  go  out  and  feek  the  Enemy  in  their  own  quar- 
ters. Quarter  Mafters  Gill51  &  Belcher®1  commanded  the 
Parties  drawn  out,  who  earneftly  defired  Mr.  Churches 
company:  They  provided  him  a  Horfe  and  Furniture  (his 
own  being  out  of  the  way)  he  readily  comply'd  with  their 
defires,  and  was  foon  Mounted. 

This  party  were  no  fooner  over  Miles's  Bridge,  but 
were  fired  on  by  an  Ambufcado  of  about  a  dozen  Indians, 
as  they  were  afterwards  difcovered  to  be.  When  they 
drew  off,  the  Pilot53  was  Mortally  wounded,  Mr.  Belcher 


49  Hubbard  fays  "  ttuelve  of  the 
Troop."  [Narrative,  18.]  He  fixes 
the  time  alfo  as  on  the  day  of  the  arri- 
val of  the  troop,  viz  :  Monday,  28  June. 

50  Capt.  Thomas  Prentice  was  born 
in  England  in  1620-1 ;  came  over, 
1648-9;  fettled  in  the  eafterly  part 
of  Cambridge ;  was  chofen  Lieut,  of 
Troopers  in  1656,  and  in  1662  Cap- 
tain ;  was  Deputy,  1672  ;  was  appointed 
to  remove  the  Natick  Indians  to  Deer 
Ifland,  which  he  did;  fucceeded  Maj. 
Gookin  as  magiftrate  to  advife  the 
Chriftian  Indians;  died  6  July,  1710. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  he  ferved  un- 
der Cromwell.  [Jacklbn's  Hijl.  of  New- 
ton, 389,  469-475-] 

61  Mr.  Drake  fuppofes  his  Chriftian 
name  to  have  been  John.  [Hijl.  Boji. 
i :  403.]  In  which  cafe  he  was  prob- 
ably that  John  who  lived  on  Milton  hill, 
who  joined  the  church  in  Dorchefter, 


1640,  and  petitioned  for  the  incorpora- 
tion of  Milton  in  1662.  He  died  in 
1678,  and  left  a  daughter,  who  married 
Rev.  Jofeph  Belcher,  third  minifter  of 
Dedham.     [Hijl.  of  Dorcheflcr,  120.] 

52  Mr.  Drake  [Hijl.  BoJl.  i:  403] 
fuppofes  this  to  be  Andrew  Belcher 
(father  of  Gov.  Jonathan),  who  was 
now  a  little  more  than  28  years  of  age. 

63  Hubbard  fays,  "  killing  one  Wil- 
liam Hammond."  [Narrative,  18.] 
This  was  probably  "  Wm.  Hammon," 
whofe  mark  was  affixed  as  a  witnefs  to 
Philip's  quitclaim  of  the  "  eight  miles 
fquare  "  purchafe  in  Rehoboth,  of  date 
30  March,  1668;  who  was  doubtlefs  the 
fame  "William  Hamon "  who  had  a 
daughter  Elizabeth  born  at  Rehoboth, 
24  Sept.  1661.  Savage  doubts,  be- 
caufe  "  this  man  was  of  the  troop  of 
Capt.  Prentifs,  which  muft,  we  fuppofe, 
have  chiefly  been  compofed  of  volun- 


[5  ] 

received  a  fhot  in  his  knee,  and  his  Horfe  was  kill'd  under 
him,  Mr.  Gill  was  ftruck  with  a  Musket-ball  on  the  fide  of 
his  belly;  but  being  clad  with  a  buff  Coat54  and  fome 
thicknefs  of  Paper  under  it,  it  never  broke  his  skin.  The 
Troopers  were  furprized  to  fee  both  their  Commanders 
wounded,  and  wheel'd  off.  But  Mr.  Church  perfwaded,  at 
length  ftorm'd  and  ftampt,  and  told  them  'twas  a  fhame  to 
run,  and  leave  a  wounded  Man  there  to  become  a  Prey  to 
the  barbarous  Enemy.  For  the  Pilot  yet  fat  his  Horfe, 
tho'  fo  maz'd  with  the  Shot,  as  not  to  have  fenfe  to  guide 
him.  Mr.  Gill  feconded  him,  and  offer'd,  tho'  much  dif- 
enabled,  to  affift  in  bringing  him  off.  Mr.  Church  asked 
a  Stranger  who  gave  them  his  company  in  that  action,  if 
he  would  go  with  him  and  fetch  off  the  wounded  Man: 
He  readily  confented,  they  with  Mr.  Gill  went,  but  the 
wounded  Man  fainted  and  fell  off  his  Horfe  before  they 
came  to  him;  but  Mr.  Church  and  the  Stranger  difmounted, 
took  up  the  Man  dead,  and  laid  him  before  Mr.  Gill  on 

teers  of  Cambridge,  and  the  neighbor-  in  Gardener's  Pcquot  Warres  as  killed 

ing   town   of  Dedham."      But  Jackfon  in  that  war,  was  an  anachroniftic  ren- 

\_HiJi.  Neivt.  471]  fays  this  Hammond,  dering  of  this  occurrence.      But  Gar- 

here  killed,  was  "not  of  Cambridge,"  dener  wrote  in  1660, — fifteen  years  be- 

and  Church  fays  he  was  the  "  pilot"  of  fore    this    Swanfey   skirmilh.      [Blifs's 

the  party,  (Mather  [Brief  Hiftory,  4]  Rehoboth,  66 ;  Plym.  Col.  Rcc.  viii :  52  ; 

fays  "the  Indians  fhot  the  Pilot  who  was  Gen.  Difi.  ii :  34S;  3  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll. 

directing  our  Souldiers  in  their  way  to  iii :  130,  157.] 

Philip's    Country,")    who   would    moft  H  "A  clofe  military  outer  garment, 

naturally  be  not  of  the  troop,  but  a  refi-  with  fhort  fleeves,  and  laced  tightly  over 

dent  of  the  neighborhood,  familiar  with  the  cheft,  made  of  buffalo-%Y\x\,  or  other 

the  wood-paths  and  the  enemy.    Savage  thick  and  elaftic  material,  worn  by  fol- 

further  fuggests  that  the  ftory  of  "  Wil-  diers  in  the  feventeenth  century  as  a 

liam  Hamman  of  the  Bay,"  mentioned  defenfive  covering." —  Webjler. 


[6] 

his  Horfe.  Mr.  Church  told  the  other  two,  if  they  would 
take  care  of  the  dead  Man,  he  would  go  and  fetch  his 
Horfe  back,  which  was  going  off  the  Calfey55  toward  [6] 
the  Enemy;  but  before  he  got  over  the  CafTey  he  faw  the 
Enemy  run  to  the  right  into  the  Neck.  He  brought 
back  the  Horfe,  and  call'd  earneftly  and  repeatedly  to  the 
Army  to  come  over  &  fight  the  Enemy;  and  while  he 
ftood  calling  &  perfwading,  the  skulking  Enemy  return'd 
to  their  old  ftand,  and  all  difcharged  their  Guns  at  him  at 
one  clap,  tho'  every  fhot  mifs'd  him)  yet  one  of  the  Army 
on  the  other  fide  of  the  river  received  one  of  the  balls  in 
his  foot.  Mr.  Church  now  began  (no  fuccour  coming  to 
him)  to  think  it  time  to  retreat:  Saying,  The  Lord  have 
Mercy  on  us,  if  fuch  a  handful  of  Indians  fhall  thus  dare 
fuch  an  Army!56 

Upon  this  'twas  immediately  refolv'd,57  and  orders  were 
given  to  March  down  into  the  Neck,  and  having  paffed 


65  This  is  a  truer  fpelling  than  the  weather  was  fuch,  as  that  nothing  could 
modern  "  caufeway,"  fince  the  word  be  done  againft  the  enemy;  this  man 
came  into  our  language  from  the  French  was  pofieffed  with  a  ftrong  conceit,  that 
chaujfe'e,  a  way  paved  with  limeftone.  God  was  againft  the  Englijh ;  where- 
The  road  adjacent  to  the  bridge  was  upon  he  immediately  ran  diftracted,  and 
here  evidently  banked  up  to  give  dry  fo  was  returned  home  a  lamentable 
paflage  over  the  marm  skirting  the  Spectacle. "  [Brief  Hi/lory,  4.]  Mr. 
ftream.  Drake,  in  his  late  valuable  reprint  of 

66  Mather  fays  "  a  Souldier  (a  ftout  Mather,  makes  it  probable  that  this 
man)  who  was  fent  from  Water-toxvn,  man's  name  was  William  Sherman,  jr. 
feeing    the    EngliJJi    Guide   flain,    and  [p.  58.] 

hearing  many  profane  oaths  among  fome  57    Hubbard   fays    "the   next    morn- 

of  our  Souldiers  (namely  thofe  Priva-  ing " ;    which    would    be    Tuefday,    29 

teers,  who  were  alfo  Volunteers)   and  June.     [Narrative,  18.] 
confidering  the  unfeafonablenefs  of  the 


[6] 

the  Bridge,  and  Caffey,  the  direction  was  to  extend  both 
wings,  which  being  not  well  headed,  by  thofe  that  remain'd 
in  the  Center,  fome  of  them  miftook  their  Friends  for 
their  Enemies,  and  made  a  fire  upon  them  on  the  right 
wing,  and  wounded  that  noble  Heroick  Youth  Enfign 
Savage^  in  the  thigh;  but  it  happily  prov'd  but  a  flefh 
wound.  They  Marched59  until  they  came  to  the  narrow 
of  the  Neck,  at  a  Place  called  Keekkamuit^  where  they 


53  Perez  Savage,  fourth  fon  of  Thom- 
as, who  came  in  the  Planter  from  Lon- 
don, April,  1635,  was  born  17  Feb.  1652, 
and  was  now,  therefore,  in  his  24th 
year,  though  Hubbard  calls  him  "that 
young  Martial  Spark  fcarce  twenty 
years  of  age."  He  was  wounded  again 
in  the  "  fwamp  fight"  in  the  following 
December,  when  he  was  Lieut,  of  the 
fame  corps.  He  went  to  London  in 
1690,  to  carry  on  trade  with  Spain ; 
was  taken  captive  by  the  Turks  and 
died  at  Mequinez,  in  Barbary,  during 
1694.  Some  curious  particulars  about 
his  wills  are  mentioned  by  Savage. 
[Gen.  Did.  iv :  25,  26.]  Hubbard 
[Narrative,  19]  fays  he  had  "one  bul- 
let lodged  in  his  Thigh,  another  ihot 
through  the  brim  of  his  hat,  by  ten  or 
twelve  of  the  Enemy  difcharging  upon 
him  together,  while  he  boldly  held  up 
his  Colors  in  the  Front  of  his  Compa- 
ny." Church,  as  on  the  ground,  — 
though  dictating  this  account  forty 
years  after  the  occurrence,  —  is  the  more 
truftworthy  authority  as  to  the  fource  of 
the  wound,  and  the  fact  of  the  blunder, 
which  he  alone  narrates. 

59  Church's  language  would  lead  one 


to  fuppofe  that  they  immediately  con- 
tinued their  march.  But  Hubbard  fays, 
"the  weather  not  fuffering  any  further 
adtion  at  that  time,  thofe  that  were  thus 
far  advanced,  were  compelled  to  retreat 
back  to  the  main  Guard  " ;  and  adds 
that  Major  Savage,  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Maffachufetts  forces,  arrived 
that  night,  and  the  next  day  the  whole 
body  intended  to  march  into  Mount- 
Hope,  "but  the  weather  being  doubt- 
ful, our  Forces  did  not  march  till  near 
noon."  This  interpofes  more  than 
twenty-four  hours  between  the  skirmiih 
in  which  Enfign  Savage  was  wounded, 
and  what  Church  next  proceeds  to  nar- 
rate. [Narrative,  19.]  So  that  the 
actual  march  into  the  neck  was  on 
Wednefday,  30  June. 

60  The  narroweft  part  of  the  neck 
between  Warren  and  Kikemuit  rivers 
is  a  little  north  of  the  line  which  divides 
Briftol  from  Warren.  The  name  Keek- 
kamuit  was  appropriated  to  an  Indian 
village  that  flood  around  a  fpringof  that 
name,  in  this  "  narrow  of  the  neck." 
This  is  fome  four  miles  from  Miles's 
bridge.  This  accords  with  what  Hub- 
bard fays:    "After  they  had  marched 


23 


[  6] 

took  down  the  heads  of  Eight  Englifli  Men  that  were  kill'd 
at  the  head  of  Melapoifet-N eck,  and  fet  upon  Polls,  after 
the  barbarous  manner  of  thofe  Salvages.  There  Philip 
had  ftaved  all  his  Drums,61  and  conveyed  all  his  Canoo's 
to  the  Eaft-fide  of  Metapoifet-River.®1  Hence  it  was  con- 
cluded by  thofe  that  were  acquainted  with  the  Motions  of 
thofe  People,  that  they  had  quitted  the  Neck.  Mr.  Church 
told  'em  that  Philip  was  doubtlefs  gone  ever63  to  Pecaffet 
fide,  to  ingage  thofe  Indians  in  Rebellion  with  him:  which 


ahout  a  mile  &  a  half,  they  patted  by 
fome  Houfes  newly  burned,  &c. ;  two 
or  three  miles  further  they  came  up 
with  fome  Heads,  Scalps  and  Hands 
cut  off  from  the  bodys  of  fome  of  the 
Englilh,  and  ftuck  upon  Poles  near  the 
Highway,  in  that  barbarous  and  inhu- 
mane manner  bidding  us  Defyance." 
[Narrative,  19.] 

Parfons  [Indian  Names,  etc.  14]  fays 
Kihemuit  means  "  a  back  river."  Mr. 
Trumbull  fays  "no;  it  has  loft  an  ini- 
tial fyllable.  To-ktkommu-it  (Tokke- 
kom,  Eliot)  fignifies  '  at  the  fpring,'  or 
'  water-fource.'  This  name  agrees 
with  Rev.  Samuel  Deane's  '  clear 
fpring'  [2  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.  x:  174], 
though  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  '  Kike- 
gat  =  day,  or  clearnefs.'  Another  deri- 
vation is  poffible  :  Nke'ke  (Nekik)  flgni- 
fies 'otter'  [7?.-/.  Hijl  Coll.  i:  95], 
and  may  =  '  path  ' ;  whence  Nkeke-may- 
it  would  mean  '  the  otter  path.'  The 
former  derivation  is  the  more  probable. 
Many  Indian  names,  have,  in  like  man- 
ner fuffered  mutilation." 

61  Roger  Williams  faid,  in  1643,  tnat 


the  New  England  Indians  originally  had 
no  drums  or  trumpets,  though  he  had 
known  a  native  make  a  very  good  drum 
in  imitation  of  the  Englilh.  \_R.-I.  Hijl. 
Coll.  i:  38,  149.]  The  North  Ameri- 
can Indians,  in  general,  however,  appear 
to  have  ufed  the  drum  (and  without 
any  hint  that  it  was  borrowed  from  the 
whites)  in  their  religious  dances,  and  in 
their  ceremonies  when  beating  up  re- 
cruits for  war.  [De  Foreft's  Hijl.  In- 
dians oj  Conn.  29 ;  Schoolcraft's  Hijl. 
of  Indian  Tribes,  ii :  60;  alfo  Ibid. 
plate  75,  where  reprefentations  of  In- 
dian drums  are  given.  See  alfo,  i :  425, 
and  plate  68.]  Philip  had  probably 
employed  their  aid  in  railing  volunteers, 
and  as  his  tadtics  now  led  him  to  defert 
his  own  village,  and  he  did  not  wifh  to 
encumber  himfelf  with  them  in  actual 
warfare,  he  "ftaved"  and  threw  them 
away  here. 

62  Now  known  as  Lee's  river;  fepa- 
rating  Gardner's  neck  from  the  fouthern 
extremity  of  Somerfet. 

63  Mifprint  for  "  over,"  as  "  Pecaffet " 
is  for  "  Pocaffet." 


24 


[6] 

they  foon  found  to  be  true.  The  Enemy  were  not  really 
beaten  out  of  Mount-hope  Neck,  tho'  'twas  true  they  fled 
from  thence;  yet  it  was  before  any  purfu'd  them.  'Twas 
but  to  ftrengthen  themfelves,  and  to  gain  a  more  advanta- 
gious  Poft.  However,  fome  and  not  a  few  pleafed  them- 
felves  with  the  fancy  of  a  Mighty  Conqueft.64 

A  grand  Council  was  held,  and  a  Refolve  paft,  to  build  a 
Fort  there  to  maintain  the  firft  ground  they  had  gain'd,  by 
the  Indians  leaving  it  to  them.65  And  to  fpeak  the  Truth, 
it  muft  be  faid,  That  as  they  gain'd  not  that  Field,  by  their 
Sword,  nor  their  Bow;  fo  'twas  rather  their  fear  than  their 
courage,  that  oblig'd  them  to  fet  up  the  marks  of  their  Con- 
queft.  Mr.  Church  look'd  upon  it,  and  talk  of  it  with 
contempt,  and  urged  hard  the  purfuing  the  Enemy  on  Po~ 
caffet  fide,  and  with  the  greater  earneftnefs,  becaufe  of  his 
promife  made  to  Awa/konks,  before  mentioned.66  The 
Council  adjourned  themfelves  from  Mount-hope  to  Re- 
hoboth® where  Mr.   Treafurer  Southworth68  being  weary 

64  Hubbard  and  Mather  fo  thought.  6G  Seepage  II,  ante. 
\_Narrative,  19;  Magnalia,  (ed.  1853,)  67  Hubbard  fays   "  Seaconke,  or  Re- 
ii :  562.)  hobotk,  a  town  within  fix  miles  of  Swan- 

65  The  fite  of  this  fort  has  been  iden-  zy."  [Narrative,  20.]  The  exae~t  lo- 
tified  by  Mr.  FefTenden  as  being  oppo-  cality  referred  to  here  would  feem  to  be 
fite  the  narrow  entrance  to  Kikemuit  one  of  the  "three  houfes"  which  were 
river  from  Mount-Hope  bay,  on  the  ufed  as  garrifons  by  the  inhabitants  of 
top  of  the  moft  fouthweftern  of  feveral  Rehoboth  and  Swanfey  during  Philip's 
hills  on  the  north  fide  of  a  cove.  The  war,  viz:  that  which  ftood  on  the  fouth 
hill  is  faft  wearing  away  by  the  adtion  end  of  Seekonk  plain,  on  the  fpot  lately 
of  the  water  at  its  bafe,  fo  that  the  char-  occupied  by  the  houfe  of  Mr.  Phanuel 
coal  and  fcorched  ftones  from  the  fire-  Bilhop,  on  the  foutheaft  fide  of  the  Com- 
place  of  the  fort  are  often  falling  down  mon.     [Blifs's  Rehoboth,  78.] 

the  declivity  toward  the  water.     [Hiji.  G8  Conjlant  Southtvorth  was  a  fon  of 

Warren,  R.*I.  71.]  Edward  Southworth  (Savage  wrongly 

4  25 


[  7  ] 

of  his  charge  of  Commiffary  General,  (Provilion  being 
fcarce  &  difficult  to  be  obtained,  for  the  Army,  that  now 
lay  ftill  to  Cover  the  People  from  no  body,  while  they 
were  building  a  Fort  for  nothing)  retired,  and  the  Power 
&  Trouble  of  that  Poft  was  left  with  Mr.  Church,  who  Hill 
urged  the  Commanding  Officers  to  move  over  to  PocaJJet 
fide,  to  purfue  the  Enemy,  [7]  and  kill  Philip,  which  would 
in  his  opinion  be  more  probable  to  keep  poffeffion  of  the 
Neck,  than  to  tarry  to  build  a  Fort.  He  was  ftill  reftlefs 
on  that  fide  of  the  River,  and  the  rather  becaufe  of  his 
promife  to  the  Squaw  Sachem  of  Sogkonate.  And  Capt. 
Fuller®  alfo  urged  the  fame,  until  at  length  there  came  fur- 


fa  ys  "  Conjlant,  or  Thomas  "  [  Gen.  Difl. 
iv :  143]  )  and  Alice  Carpenter  (who, 
after  her  firft  hufband's  death,  became 
the  fecond  wife  of  Gov.  Bradford) ; 
feems  to  have  come  over  in  1628  [3 
Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.  i :  199] ;  was  made 
freeman  in  1637 ;  married  Elizabeth 
Collier,  2  Nov.  1637 ;  was  Deputy  in 
1647  and  22  years  following,  and  Treaf- 
urer  from  1659  to  1678;  was  often 
Afiiftant,  once  Commiffioner  for  the 
United  Colonies,  and  acted  as  Com- 
mifiary-General  in  Philip's  war;  died 
11  March,  1679.  He  left  three  fons,  and 
five  daughters,  —  the  fecond  of  whom 
had  married  Church,  26  Dec.  1667. 
This  relationfhip  by  marriage  explains 
his  here  throwing  off  "the  Power  & 
Trouble  "  of  his  poft  on  his  fon-in-law. 
[Winfor's  Hijl.  Duxbury,  68;  Plym. 
Col.  Rec.  i:  68,  74;  ii:  117;  iii :  8, 
138,  I53>  162;  iv:  14,  37;  v:  17,  34, 
etc.] 


69  Matthew  Fuller  was  fon  of  Ed- 
ward (who  was  brother  of  the  famous 
Dr.  Samuel)  ;  was  at  Plymouth  in  1642  ; 
went  to  Barnftable  in  1652,  and  was  the 
firft  phyfician  there.  He  was  Lieut,  of 
Barnftable  company  in  1652 ;  Deputy 
from  Barnftable  in  1653  ;  went  Lieut,  to 
Miles  Standiih  in  the  Dutch  expedi- 
tion in  1654;  was  fined  5a?.  for  "  fpeak- 
ing  reproachfully  of  the  Court,  etc.," 
in  1658;  was  appointed  on  the  Council 
of  War  the  fame  year ;  is  fpoken  of  as 
Captain  in  1670;  was  chofen  "  Surjean 
general"  for  the  Dutch  expedition  in 
1673 ;  and  evidently  was  with  this  ex- 
pedition in  the  fame  capacity,  as,  at  the 
October  Court  following  thefe  firft  con- 
flicts in  Philip's  war,  there  was  allowed 
"to  Capt.  Mathew  Fuller,  as  furjean 
generall  of  the  forces  of  this  collonie, 
and  for  other  good  Jervice,  fi'fortned 
in  the  countryes  behalfe  agai7ijl  the 
enetnie,     i?i     the     late     expeditions,    or 


26 


[  7  ] 

ther  order  concerning  the  Fort.  And  with  all,  an  order  for 
Capt.  Fuller  with  Six  files  to  crofs  the  River  to  the  fide 
fo  much  infifted  on,  and  to  try  if  he  could  get  Speech 
with  any  of  the  Pocaffet  or  Sogkonate  Indians,  and  that  Mr. 
Church  mould  go  his  Second.  Upon  the  Captains  receiv- 
ing his  orders,  he  ask'd  Mr.  Church  whither  he  was  willing 
to  engage  in  this  interprize:  To  whom  'twas  indeed  too 
agreeable  to  be  declined;  tho'  he  thought  the  enterprize 
was  hazardous  enough,  for  them  to  have  more  Men  affign'd 
them.  Capt.  Fuller  told  him  that  for  his  own  part  he  was 
grown  Ancient  and  heavy,  he  feared  the  travel  and  fatigue 
would  be  too  much  for  him.  But  Mr.  Church  urged  him, 
and  told  him,  he  would  chearfully  excufe  him,  his  hardfhip 
and  travel,  and  take  that  part  to  himfelf,  if  he  might  but 
go;  for  he  had  rather  do  any  thing  in  the  World  than  ftay 
there  to  build  the  Fort. 

Then  they  drew  out  the  Number  affigned  them  and 
March'd  the  fame  Night70  to  the  Ferry,71  and  were  tranf- 
ported  to  Rhode-IJland,  from  whence  the  next  Night  they 

which  maybe  done  for  the  future,  as  indicate  the  day  of  their  departure  from 

occation  may  require,  the  Court  allow-  the  fort  on  this  expedition,  or  the  day 

eth  him  45.  a  day."     He  died  in  1678.  of  their  arrival   at  Pocaffet;    probably 

[Freeman's   Hiji.    Cafe    Cod,   ii :    324 ;  the  former  (as  moft  likely  to  be  noted 

Savage's    Gen.    Difi.    ii :    217;     Plym.  and  reported  by  the  general  company). 

Col.  Rec.   ii :    37,  45,   50;    iii :   17,   24,  If  fo,  then  the  little  band  left  the  fort 

55>  150,  153;  v:  48,  136,  175.]  7  July,   and  got  acrofs   the   ferry  into 

70  Hubbard     [Narrative,    24]     fays,  Pocaffet  on  the    night  of  Thurfday,   8 

"Upon  thurfday  July  7"   [7  July  was  July.     This  would   fix  the  date  of  the 

Wednesday]      Captain     Fuller,      with  Punkatees  fight  as  Friday,  9  July. 

Captain  Church,  went  into  Pocaffet  to  71  Briftol  ferry;  from  the  lower  end 

feek  after  the  enemy,"  etc.     It  is  doubt-  of  Mount-Hope  neck  to  Rhode-Illand, 

ful  whether  he  means,  by  this  date,  to  then  commonly  called  Tripp's  ferry. 

27 


[  7  ] 

got  a  paffage  over  to  PocaJ/el-Ude72  in  Rhode-IJland  Boats, 
and  concluded  there  to  difpofe  themfelves  in  two  Ambuf- 
cado's  before  day,  hoping  to  furprize  fome  of  the  Enemy 
by  their  falling  into  one  or  other  of  their  Ambufments. 
But  Capt.  Fullers  party  being  troubled  with  the  Epide- 
mical plague  of  luft  after  Tobacco,  muft  needs  ftrike  fire  to 
Smoke  it;73  and  thereby  difcovered  themfelves  to  a  party 
of  the  Enemy  coming  up  to  them,  who  immediately  fled 
with  great  preciptation. 

This  Ambufcado  drew  off  about  break  of  day,  perceiv- 
ing they  were  difcover'd,  the  other  continued  in  their  Poft 
until  the  time  affigned  them,  and  the  light  and  heat  of  the 
Sun  rendred  their  Station  both  infignificant  and  trouble- 
fome,  and  then  return'd,  unto  the  place  of  Randezvous, 
where  they  were  acquainted  with  the  other  parties  difap- 
pointment,  and  the  occaiion  of  it.  Mr.  Church  calls  for 
the  breakfaft  he  had  ordered  to  be  brought  over  in  the 
Boat:  but  the  Man  that  had  the  charge  of  it  confeffed  that 
he  was  a-fleep  when  the  Boats-men  called  him,  and  in 
hafhe  came  away  and  never  thought  of  it.  It  happened 
that  Mr.  Church  had  a  few  Cakes  of  Rusk  in  his  Pocket, 
that  Madam  Cranjlon  (the  Governour  of  Rhode- I/land's 
Lady74)  gave  him,  when  he  came  off  the  Ifland,  which  he 

72  Doubtlefs  the  croffing  was  done  at  hood,  a  common  phrafe  in  the  Old  Col- 
what  was  then  a  ferry,  —  since  known  ony  for  the  act  of  ufing  tobacco  by  the 
as     "  Howland's     ferry,"  —  where     the      pipe. 

Stone  bridge  now  ftands ;   the  narrow-  "4   Gov.    John     CranJlo?i     feems     to 

eft  point  of  the  "  Eaft  Paffage,"  or  Nar-  make  his  firft  appearance  upon  record 

raganfett  river.  as  appointed  drummer  by  the  General 

73  "To  fmoke  it"  was,  in  my  child-  Court    at    Newport,    14    March,    1644, 


[8] 

divided  among  the  Company,  which  was  all  the  Provifions 
they  had. 

Mr.  Church  after  their  flender  breakfaft  propofed  to 
Capt.  Fuller,  That  he  would  March  in  quefl  of  the  Enemy, 
with  fuch  of  the  Company  as  would  be  willing  to  March 
with  him;  which  he  complyed  with,  tho'  with  a  great  deal 
of  fcruple,  becaufe  of  his  fmall  Number,  &  the  extream 
hazard  he  forefaw  muft  attend  them.75     [8] 

But  fome  of  the  Company  had  reflected  upon  Mr. 
Church,  that  notwithftanding  his  talk  on  the  other  fide  of 
the  River,  he  had  not  mown  them  any  Indians  lince  they 
came  over.  Which  now  mov'd  him  to  tell  them,  That  if 
it  was  their  delire  to  fee  Indians,  he  believ'd  he  fhould  now 
foon  fhew  them  what  they  fhould  fay  was  enough. 

The  Number  allow'd  him  foon  drew  off  to  him,  which 
could  not  be  many,  becaufe  their  whole  Company  con- 
when  he  muft  have  been  18;  was  among  reached  the  rank  of  Deputy  Governor 
freemen  in  1655 ;  was  licenfed  to  prac-  at  the  date  fpoken  of  in  the  text,  but 
tile  phyfic,  and  had  the  degree  of  M.D.  Church,  dictating  forty  years  after,  re- 
conferred  on  him  by  the  General  Affem-  fers  to  him  under  the  title  by  which  he 
My  in  1664;  was  chofen  Deputy  Gov-  was  afterwards  beft  known,  [R.I.  Col. 
ernor  in  1672,  and  ferved  alfo  in  1673,  Rec.  i:  127,  301;  ii :  33,  451,  481, 
'76,  '77,  and  '78,  in  which  year  Gov.  541,  565;  iii :  3,  4,  24;  Arnold's  Hijl. 
Arnold  died,  and  he  was  chofen  Gov-  R.-I.  i :  459 ;  Savage's  Gen.  Di&.  i : 
ernor;  ferved  as  Governor  till  12  March,      472.] 

16S0,  when  he  died  in  office,  aged  54.  75  Hubbard's  account  would  indicate 

He  was  the  firft  who  ever  held  the  place  that  a  day  and  night  had  been  fpent  on 
of  Major-General  in  Rhode-Ifland.  He  the  Pocaffet  fide,  before  this  propofition 
married  Mary,  daughter  of  Dr.  Jere-  of  Church's  took  place.  [Narrative, 
miah  Clark  of  Newport;  who  after  his  24.]  Probably  he  confounded  this 
death  married  John  Stanton,  and  who  with  the  time  fpent  on  Rhode-Iiland. 
died  7  April,  1711.  Gov.  Samuel  Church,  as  a  participant,  is,  of  courfe, 
Cranfton  was  his   fon.     He   had   only      the  beft  witnefs. 

29 


[8] 

lifted  of  no  more  than  Thirty  Six.76  They  mov'd  towards 
Sogkonate^  until  they  came  to  the  brook  that  runs  into  Nun- 
naquohqut  Neck,77  where  they  difcovered  a  frefh  and  plain 
Track,  which  they  concluded  to  be  from  the  great  Pine 
Swamp78  about  a  Mile  from  the  Road  that  leads  to  Sog- 
konet.  Now  fays  Mr.  Church  to  his  Men,  If  we  follow 
this  Track  no  doubt  but  we  fhall  foon  fee  Indians  enough; 
they  exprefs'd  their  willingnefs  to  follow  the  Track,  and 
mov'd  in  it,  but  had  not  gone  far  before  one  of  them  nar- 
rowly efcaped  being  bit  with  a  Rattle-fnake'.™  And  the 


76  "There  being  not  above  fifteen 
with  Church."  [Hubbard,  Narrative, 
24.]  This  would  leave  twenty-one  with 
Capt.  Fuller.  But  Church  afterwards 
fays  there  were  nineteen  with  him  be- 
fides  his  "pilot";  which  would  indi- 
cate a  nearly  equal  divifion  of  the  little 
force. 

77  Mr.  Drake's  note  would  fix  the 
rivulet  referred  to  as  "  that  which  emp- 
ties into  the  bay  nearly  a  mile  fouth- 
ward  from  Howland's  ferry";  now, 
for  fome  reafon  which  I  have  never 
heard,  bearing  the  ftrange  name  of"  Sin 
and  Flelh  brook."  I  am  perfuaded, 
however,  that  Nanaquaket  brook,  which 
croffes  the  road  to  Little  Compton,  fay 
a  mile  and  a  half  further  fouth,  juft  be- 
fore you  reach  the  fchool-houfe,  is  that 
of  which  Church  fpeaks.  That  "  runs 
in "  juft  in  the  angle  where  Nanaqua- 
ket neck  is  joined  to  the  main  land,  and 
therefore  feems  more  exactly  defignated 
by  the  phrase  "  that  runs  into  Nutma- 
qiiohqut  Neck"  than  one  fo  much  fur- 
ther removed,  emptying  into  the  cove. 


Moreover,  its  relative  bearing  to  the 
fwamp  of  which  Church  proceeds  to 
fpeak  is  nearer  to  the  demand  of  the 
text  than  that  of  the  other. 

This  neck  is  that  promontory  in  Tiv- 
erton which  flopes  up  northward  and 
weftward  toward  the  ifland  of  Rhode- 
Ifland,  next  fouth  of  the  Stone  bridge. 
The  name  (NunnaquaJiqatt,  None- 
quackct,  Nanaquaket,  Qnaci/t,  etc.) 
may  have  this  fenfe  :  Nunnukque  means 
"dangerous,"  "unfafe";  whence  Nitn- 
nukqueo/ike  (contracted  Nunnukquok) 
would  be  "  an  unfafe  or  dangerous 
place."  The  final  et  is  locative,  — 
"  at"  or  "  in." 

78  Still  there,  and  diftant  about  a  mile 
due  eaft  from  the  fpot  which  I  fuppofe 
Church  to  have  now  reached. 

79  Rattlefnakes  were  formerly  abun- 
dant in  New  England.  Prince  fays, 
(14  Aug.  1632,)  "  this  fummer  is  very 
wet  and  cold,  except  now  and  then  a 
hot  day  or  two,  which  caufes  great  ftore 
of  musketoes  and  rattlefnakes."  [Ed. 
1852,  400.] 


3o 


[8] 

Woods  that  the  Track  lead  them  through  was  haunted 
much  with  thofe  Snakes,  which  the  little  Company  feem'd 
more  to  be  afraid  of  than  the  black  Serpents  they  were  in 
queft  of,  and  therefore  bent  their  courfe  another  way;  to 
a  Place  where  they  thought  it  probable  to  find  fome  of  the 
Enemy.  Had  they  kept  the  Track  to  the  Pine  Swamp 
they  had  been  certain  of  meeting  Indians  enough;  but  not 
fo  certain  that  any  of  them  fhould  have  return'd  to  give 
account  how  many. 

Now  they  pafs'd  down  into  Punkateesm  Neck;  and  in 
their  March  difcocovered  a  large  Wigwam  full  of  Indian 
Truck,  which  the  Souldiers  were  for  loading  themfelves 
with;  until  Mr.  Church  forbid  it;  telling  them  they  might 
expert  foon  to  have  their  hands  full,  and  bufinefs  without 
caring  for  Plunder.  Then  croffing  the  head  of  the  Creek 
into  the  Neck,  they  again  difcovered  frefh,  Indian  Tracks, 
very  lately  pafs'd  before  them  into  the  Neck.  They  then 
got  privately  and  undifcovered,  unto  the  Fence  of  Capt. 
Almy\  Peafe-fleld,81  and  divided  into  two  Parties,  Mr. 
Church  keeping  the  one  Party  with  himfelf,  fent  the  other 
with  Lake®'  that  was  acquainted  with  the  ground,  on  the 

80   Punkatees  neck —  fome  two  miles  tion  or  fignification  of  the  name  has 

in  length  and  one  mile  in  extreme  width  not  been  fuggefted. 

—  moots   out   from   the   main    land   of  81    See  note  4.      At  leaft  four  fami- 

Tiverton  fouthward  and  weftward,  much  lies  of  Almys  now  own  and  till  many 

as  Nimnaquohqut  neck  turns  up  north-  of   the   fertile    acres   of    this   beautiful 

ward  and  weftward.     It  was  alio  called  promontory. 

Pocaffet  neck.     The  entrance  to    it   is  82    David   Lake,   or    Leake,    volun- 

diredtly  weft  from  the  fmall  village  of  teered    10    Aug.    1667,    in    a    troop    of 

Tiverton  Four  Corners.      The  deriva-  horfe  upon  Rhode  Illand.     If  this  were 

3i 


[9  ] 

other  fide.  Two  Indians  were  foon  difcovered  coming 
out  of  the  Peafe-field  towards  them:  When  Mr.  Church 
&  thofe  that  were  with  him  concealed  themfelves  from 
them,  by  falling  flat  on  the  ground :  but  the  other  divifion 
not  ufing  the  fame  caution  were  feen  by  the  Enemy,  which 
occafioned  them  to  run;  which  when  Mr.  Church  per- 
ceiv'd,  he  fhew'd  himfelf  to  them,  and  call'd,  telling  them 
he  defired  but  to  fpeak  with  them,  and  would  not  hurt 
them.  But  they  run,  and  Church  purfued.  The  Indians 
clim'd  over  a  Fence  and  one  of  them  facing  about  dif- 
charged  his  Piece,  but  without  effect  on  the  Englifh'.  One 
of  the  EngliJJi  Souldiers  ran  up  to  the  Fence  and  fir'd  upon 
him  that  had  difcharged  his  Piece;  and  they  concluded  by 
the  yelling  they  heard  that  the  Indian  was  wounded;  but 
the  Indians  foon  got  into  the  thickets,  whence  they  faw 
them  no  more  for  the  prefent.     [9] 

Mr.  Church  then  Marching  over  a  plain  piece  of  Ground 
where  the  Woods  were  very  thick  on  one  fide;  order'd  his 
little  Company  to  March  at  double  diftance,  to  make  as 
big  a  fhow  (if  they  fhould  be  difcovered)  as  might  be. 
But  before  they  faw  any  body,  they  were  Saluted  with  a 

the  fame  man,  he  probably  —  as  a  refi-  net  line,  (which  would  be  in  what  is 

dent  of  the  ifland  and  familiar  with  the  now  Tiverton,  where  men  of  the  fame 

neighboring    localities  —  accompanied  name  now  live,  upon  it,)  becaufe  he  had 

this  expedition  as  the  "pilot,"  of  whom  "  bin  very  ufefull  and  ferviceable  to  the 

Church  fpeaks  further  on.     [R.-I.  Col.  country   in    the   late   warr."      Thomas 

Rec.   ii.   21S.)      Plymouth    Colony  the  Lake  —  whether  his  brother,  or  not,  I 

next  year  granted  to  David  Lake  "three-  cannot  fay  —  had  a  fimilar  grant,  at  the 

fcore    acrees "   of   land   eaftward   from  fame  time,  of  forty  acres.     [R.-I.   Col. 

Punchateefet  pond  and  north  of  Saco-  Rec.  ii :  21S;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v:  214.] 

32 


[9] 

Volly  of  fifty  or  fixty  Guns ;  fome  Bullets  came  very  fur- 
prizingly  near  Mr.  Church,  who  ftarting,  look'd  behind 
him,  to  fee  what  was  become  of  his  Men,  expecting  to 
have  feen  half  of  them  dead,  but  feeing  them  all  upon 
their  Leggs  and  briskly  firing  at  the  Smokes  of  the  Ene- 
mies Guns,  (for  that  was  all  that  was  then  to  be  feen)  He 
Blefs'd  God,  and  called  to  his  Men  not  to  difcharge  all 
their  Guns  at  once,  left  the  Enemy  ftwuld  take  the  advant- 
age of  fuch  an  opportunity  to  run  upon  them  with  their 
Hatches?2, 

Their  next  Motion  was  immediately  into  the  Peafe-field. 
When  they  came  to  the  Fence  Mr.  Church  bid  as  many  as 
had  not  difcharg'd  their  Guns,  to  clap  under  the  Fence, 
and  lye  clofe,  while  the  other  at  fome  diftance  in  the 
Field  flood  to  charge;  hoping  that  if  the  Enemy  mould 
creep  to  the  Fence  to  gain  a  fhot  at  thofe  that  were  charg- 
ing their  Guns,  they  might  be  furprized  by  thofe  that  lay 
under  the  Fence.  But  calling  his  Eyes  to  the  fide  of  the 
Hill  above  them;84  the  hill  feem'd  to  move,  being  covered 
over  with  Indians,  with  their  bright  Guns  glittering  in  the 
Sun,  and  running  in  a  circumference  with  a  delign  to  fur- 
round  them. 

Seeing  fuch  Multitudes  furrounding  him  and  his  little 
Company;  it  put  him  upon  thinking  what  was  become  of 
the  Boats  that  were  ordered  to  attend  him:   And  looking 

83  Hatchets,  or  tomahawks.  riling  abruptly  toward  the  ridge  of  the 

84  The  bluff  above  them  ;  the  peafe-  promontory.  The  hill  is  not  very  high, 
field  being  near  the  more,  and  the  land      yet  the  flope  is  fteep. 

5  33 


[9] 

up,  he  fpy'd  them  a  more  at  Sandy-point^  on  the  Ifland  fide 
of  the  River,  with  a  number  of  Horfe  and  Foot  by  them, 
and  wondred  what  mould  be  the  occafion;  until  he  was 
afterwards  informed,  That  the  Boats  had  been  over  that 
Morning  from  the  Ifland,  and  had  landed  a  Party  of  Men 
at  Fogland^  that  were  defign'd  in  Punkatees  Neck  to  fetch 
off  fome  Cattel  and  Horfes,  but  were  Ambufcado'd,  and 
many  of  them  wounded  by  the  Enemy.87 

Now  our  Gentlemans  Courage  and  Conduct  were  both 
put  to  the  Teft,  he  incourages  his  Men;  and  orders  fome 
to  run  and  take  a  Wall  to  fhelter  before  the  Enemy  gain'd 
it.  Twas  time  for  them  now  to  think  of  efcaping  if  they 
knew  "which  way.  Mr.  Church  orders  his  Men  to  ftrip  to 
their  white  Shirts,  that  the  I/landers  might  difcover  them 
to  be  Englilh  Men;  &  then  orders  Three  Guns  to  be  fired 
diftinct,  hoping  it  might  be  obferv'd  by  their  friends  on 
the  oppofite  Shore.88     The  Men  that  were  ordered  to  take 


85  Probably  what  is  now  designated  affaulted  by  the  fame  Indians,  and  one 
as  "McCarry's  point,"  on  the  Portf-  of  the  five  Avas  Capt.  Churches  Servant, 
mouth  more,  rather  than  that  now  called  who  had  his  Leg  broke  in  the  Skirmifh, 
"Sandy  point,"  which  is  a  mile  and  a  the  reft  hardly  efcaping  with  their  lives  : 
half  further  fouth.  this  was  the   firft   time   that  ever  any 

86  Foglcuid  point  is  a  fpur  of  land  mifchief  was  done  by  the  Indians  upon 
projecting  from  the  weftern  fhore  of  Pocajfet  Neck.  Thofe  of  Road-IJIand 
Punkatees  neck,  and  reaching  a  third  were  hereby  Alarmed  to  look  to  them- 
of  the  way  acrofs  Narraganfett  river  felves,  as  well  as  the  reft  of  the  Englifh 
toward  Portfmouth  on  the  ifland  of  of  Plimoufh,  or  the  Majfachufets  Col- 
Rhode-Ifland.  ony."     [Narrative,  25.] 

87  Hubbard  fays:  "It  feems  in  the  88  It  was  probably  not  over  a  mile 
former  part  of  the  fame  day,  five  men  and  a  half  in  a  ftraight  line,  from  the 
coming  from  Road-IJIand,  to  look  up  fcene  of  this  fkirmifh  to  the  point  acrofs 
their  Cattle  upon  Pocajfet  Neck,  were  the  water  where  their  friends  were. 

34 


[   io] 

the  Wall,  being  very  hungry,  ftop'd  a  while  among  the 
Peafe  to  gather  a  few,  being  about  four  Rod  from  the 
Wall;  the  Enemy  from  behind  it  hail'd  them  with  a  Shower 
of  Bullets;  but  foon  all  but  one  came  tumbling  over  an 
old  hedge  down  the  bank  where  Mr.  Church  and  the  reft 
were,  and  told  him  that  his  Brother  B.  Southworth^  who 
was  the  Man  that  was  miffing,  was  kill'd,  that  they  faw 
him  fall;  and  fo  they  did  indeed  fee  him  fall,  but  'twas 
without  a  [io]  Shot,  and  lay  no  longer  than  till  he  had 
opportunity  to  clap  a  Bullet  into  one  of  the  Enemies  Fore- 
head, and  then  came  running  to  his  Company.  The  mean- 
nefs90  of  the  Engli/Ji's  Powder  was  now  their  greateft  mis- 


89  Either  this  record  is  wrong  in  this 
initial,  or  Conftant  Southworth  (note 
68)  had  a  fon  not  down  on  the  records. 
Savage,  Winfor,  and  Mitchell  agree 
that  he  had  only  three  fons,  {Edward, 
Nathaniel,  and  William,')  and  four 
daughters,  befides  Alice,  who  married 
Church.  The  earlieft  Benjamin  on  the 
record  of  the  family  was  Benjamin,  fon 
of  Edward  (Conftant's  eldeft  fon),  who 
was  born  in  1680,  five  years  after  this 
fight.  Edward's  age  at  this  date  is  not 
known,  but,  as  he  had  been  married  in 
1669,  he  may  perhaps  have  been  near  30 ; 
Nathaniel  was  27,  and  William  only  16. 
It  feems  clear  that  the  perfon  here  al- 
luded to  was  one  of  Church's  brothers- 
in-law,  and  it  is  more  probable  that  the 
initial  "W"  or  "N"  was  mifprinted 
"  B,"  and  the  blunder  paffed  uncorrect- 
ed, than  that  there  was  any  "  B.  South- 
worth,"  fon  of  Conftant,  elfewhere  un- 
recorded.    [Gen.  Di&.  iv :  143;    Hijl. 


Duxbury,     314;      Hijl.     Bridgexvater, 

304-] 

90  Church  feems  here  to  ufe  the  word 
"  meannefs  "  as  equivalent  to  fcantinefs, 
—  with  reference  to  the  quantity  rather 
than  the  quality.  There  is  no  hint  in 
the  account  of  the  action  but  that  the 
powder  which  they  had  was  good 
enough,  but  they  were  evidently  re- 
duced to  a  very  ihort  allowance.  Up 
to  this  date  the  powder  of  the  Colonifts 
appears  to  have  been  Englifh  made. 
The  firft  powder-mill  on  this  fide  was 
juft  in  procefs  of  preparation ;  Rev. 
John  Oxenbridge,  Rev.  James  Allen, 
Dea.  Robert  Sanderfon,  (all  of  the  firft 
church  in  Bofton,)  with  Capt.  John 
Hall  and  Freegrace  Bendall,  merchants 
of  Bofton,  22  Aug.  1673,  having  pur- 
chafed  of  John  Gill,  of  Milton,  a  privi- 
lege on  Neponfet  river,  and  having 
entered  into  articles  of  agreement,  16 
July,  1675,  to  erect  a  building  and  "  im- 


35 


[   io] 

fortune;  when  they  were  immediately  upon  this  befet  with 
Multitudes  of  Indians,  who  poffeffed  themfelves  of  every 
Rock,  Stump,  Tree,  or  Fence  that  was  in  light,  firing  upon 
them  without  cealing;  while  they  had  no  other  Ihelter  but 
a  fmall  bank  &  bit  of  a  water  Fence.  And  yet  to  add  to 
the  difadvantage  of  this  little  handful  of  diftreffed  Men; 
The  Indians  alfo  pofTeffed  themfelves  of  the  Ruines  of  a 
Stone-houfe  that  over  look'd  them,  and  of  the  black  Rocks 
to  the  Southward  of  them;91  fo  that  now  they  had  no  way 
to   prevent   lying   quite    open   to    fome,  or   other  of  the 


prove  a  powder  mill  "  at  faid  Neponfet. 
The  fafety  of  this  mill  was  a  fubjedt  of 
legislation,  in  October  and  November 
following.  [Hift.  of  Dorchefter,  607, 
609.] 

91  In  the  fecond  edition  of  this  narra- 
tive [Newport,  R.-I.  1772],  South- 
wick's  compofitor  here  careleffly  dropped 
out  the  words  "  and  of  the  black  Rocks 
to  the  Southward  of  them,"  and  Dr. 
Stiles  did  not  difcover  the  omiffion ;  fo 
that,  as  all  the  fubfequent  editions  have 
been  reprints  of  Southwick's,  and  not 
of  the  original,  the  hint  of  exact  locality 
which  they  furnifh  has  hitherto  been 
overlooked.  On  recently  vifiting  Punk- 
atees  neck  and  going  carefully  over  it 
in  order  to  identify,  if  poffible,  the  exact 
fpot  where  this  peafe-field  was  fituated, 
I  found  on  the  edge  of  the  fhore  the  re- 
mains of  an  outcropping  ledge  of  foft 
black  flaty  rock,  which  differs  fo  decid- 
edly from  any  other  rocks  in  the  vicin- 
ity, and  which  —  making  allowance  for 
the  wear  of  the  waves  for  near  200 
years  —  anfwers  fo  well  to  the  demand 


of  the  text,  as  to  incline  me  to  the  judg- 
ment that  they  may  identify  the  fpot. 
If  this  be  fo,  the  peafe-field  muft  have 
been  on  the  weftern  fhore  of  Punkatees 
neck,  a  little  north  of  the  juncture  of 
Fogland  point  with  the  main  promon- 
tory, and  almoft  due  eaft  of  the  north- 
ern extremity  of  Fogland  point, —  which 
runs  up  northerly  and  wefterly  as  it 
pufhes  over  toward  Rhode-Ifland ;  ly- 
ing a  little  north  of  the  range  of  the 
Almy  burying-ground,  which  is  in  the 
rear  of  the  prefent  refidence  of  Mr. 
Horace  Almy.  Whether  this  be  a  cor- 
rect fuppofition  or  not,  the  near  neigh- 
borhood of  what  is  ftill  called  Church's 
well  —  a  fpring  ftoned  round  like  a  well, 
and  fending  a  tiny  rivulet  down  to  the 
fea,  a  few  rods  fouth  of  thefe  remains 
of  what  were  once  "  black  rocks,"  and 
almoft  oppofite  the  prefent  refidence  of 
Mr.  Samuel  Almy,  at  the  terminus  of 
the  road  leading  to  Fogland  ferry  — 
fixes  the  fcene  of  the  fight  with  fufficient 
accuracy,  as  being  near  the  juncture  of 
Fogland  point  with  Punkatees  neck. 


36 


[  io] 

Enemy,  but  to  heap  up  Stones  before  them,  as  they  did, 
and  ftill  bravely  and  wonderfully  defended  themfelves, 
againft  all  the  numbers  of  the  Enemy.  At  length  came 
over  one  of  the  Boats  from  the  Ifland  Shore,  but  the  En- 
emy ply'd  their  Shot  fo  warmly  to  her  as  made  her  keep 
at  fome  diftance;  Mr.  Church  defired  them  to  fend  their 
Canoo  a-fhore  to  fetch  them  on  board;  but  no  perfwalions, 
nor  arguments  could  prevail  with  them  to  bring  their  Ca- 
noo to  fhore.  Which  fome  of  Mr.  Churches  Men  perceiv- 
ing, began  to  cry  out,  For  God's  fake  to  take  them  off,  for 
their  Ammunition  was  fpent,  &c.  Mr.  Church  being  fenfible 
of  the  danger  of  the  Enemies  hearing  their  Complaints, 
and  being  made  acquainted  with  the  weaknefs  and  fcan- 
tinefs  of  their  Ammunition,  fiercely  called  to  the  Boats- 
mafter,  and  bid  either  fend  his  Canoo  a-fhore,  or  elfe  be- 
gone prefently,  or  he  would  fire  upon  him. 

Away  goes  the  Boat  and  leaves  them  ftill  to  fhift  for 
themfelves.  But  then  another  difficulty  arofe;  the  Enemy 
feeing  the  Boat  leave  them,  were  reanimated  &  fired  thicker 
&  fatter  than  ever;  Upon  which  fome  of  the  Men  that 
were  lighteft  of  foot,  began  to  talk  of  attempting  an  efcape 
by  flight:  until  Mr.  Church  follidly  convinced  them  of  the 
impra6ticablenefs  of  it ;  and  incouraged  them  yet,  told 
them,  That  he  had  obferv'd  fo  much  of  the  remarkable  and 
zvonderful  Providence  of  God  hitherto  prefcrving  them,  that 
incouraged  him  to  believe  with  much  confidence  that  God  would 
yet  preferve  them  ;  that  not  a  hair  of  their  head fJiould  fall  to 
the  ground ;  bid  them  be  Patient,  Couragious  and  Prudently 

37 


[ "  ] 

/paring  of  their  Ammunition,  and  he  made  no  doubt  but  they 
Jlwutd  come  well  off  yet,  &c.  until  his  little  Army,  again  re- 
folve  one  and  all  to  flay  with,  and  ftick  by  him.  One  of 
them  by  Mr.  Churches  order  was  pitching  a  flat  Stone  up 
an  end  before  him  in  the  Sand,  when  a  Bullet  from  the 
Enemy  with  a  full  force  ftroke  the  Stone  while  he  was 
pitching  it  an  end;  which  put  the  poor  fellow  to  a  mifer- 
able  ftart,  till  Mr.  Church  calPd  upon  him  to  obferve,  How 
God  direcled  the  Bullets  that  the  Enemy  could  not  hit  him 
when  in  the  fame  place,  yet  could  hit  the  Stone  as  it  was 
erected. 

While  they  were  thus  making  the  belt  defence  they 
could  againft  their  numerous  Enemies  that  made  the 
Woods  ring  with  their  conftant  yelling  [n]  and  fhout- 
ing :  And  Night  coming  on,  fome  body  told  Mr.  Church, 
they  fpy'd  a  Sloop  up  the  River  as  far  as  Gold-Ifland,2  that 
feemed  to  be  coming  down  towards  them:  He  look'd  up 
and  told  them  Succour  was  now  coming,  for  he  believed  it 
zvas  Capt.  Golding,93  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  Man  for  bufi- 

92  Gould  IJland  is  a  fmall  rocky  ifl-  I. ;  at  any  rate  he  is  dubioufly  referred 
and,  perhaps  three  quarters  of  a  mile  to  in  that  connection  in  the  R.-I.  Colo- 
due  fouth  of  the  Stone  bridge.  It  was  nial  Records  for  6  Nov.  1672.  He  was 
purchafed  of  the  Indians,  28  Mar.  1657,  prefent  at  the  killing  of  Philip.  He 
by  Thomas  Gould,  of  Newport,  and  married  Penelope,  daughter  of  the  firft 
took  its  name  from  him,  and  not,  as  has  Benedict  Arnold.  Plymouth  Colony, 
been  fometimes  ftated,  from  the  occur-  1  Nov.  1676,  gave  Capt.  Golding  one 
rence  here  narrated.  [Arnold's  Hijl.  hundred  acres  of  land,  becaufe  he  "hath 
R.-I.  i :  266 ;  Fowler's  Hijl.  Sketch  of  approued  himfelfe  to  be  our  conftant, 
Fall  River,  9.]  reall  frind  in  the  late  warr,  and  very  of- 

93  Caft.  Roger  Golding  {Golden,  ficious  and  healpfull  as  occation  hath 
Goulden)  was  captain  of  a  velfel,  and  bine,  when  as  our  armies  and  fouldiers 
feems  to  have  lived  in  Portfmouth,  R.-      haue  bin  in  thole  p'tes,  and  haue  had 

3S 


[ » ] 

nefs\  and  would  certainly  fetch  them  off,  if  he  came:  the 
Wind  being  fair,  the  Veffel  was  foon  with  them;  and  Capt. 
Golding  it  was.  Mr.  Church  (as  foon  as  they  came  to  Speak 
one  with  another)  deiired  him  to  come  to  Anchor  at  fiich 
a  dijlance  froin  the  Shore  that  he  might  veer  out  his  Cable 
and  ride  a  float,  and  let  flip  his  Canoo  that  it  might  drive 
afhore\  which  directions  Capt.  Golding  obferv'd;  but  the 
Enemy  gave  him  fuch  a  warm  Salute,  that  his  Sails? 
Colour,  and  Stern  wTere  full  of  Bullet  holes. 

The  Canoo  came  alhore,94  but  was  fo  fmall  that  fhe 
would  not  bare  above  two  Men  at  a  time;  and  when  two 
were  got  aboard,  they  turn'd  her  loofe  to  drive  afhore  for 
two  more:  and  the  Sloops  company  kept  the  Indians  in 
play  the  while.  But  when  at  laft  it  came  to  Mr.  Churches 
turn  to  go  aboard,  he  had  left  his  Hat  and  Cutlalh  at  the 
Well95  where  he  went  to  drink,  when  he  firft  came  down; 
he  told  his  Company,  He  would  never  go  off  and  leave  his 
Hat  and  CutlaJJi  for  the  Indians ;  they  fliould  never  have  that 
to  reflecl  ttpon  him.  Tho'  he  was  much  diffwaded  from  it, 
yet  he  would  go  fetch  them.  He  put  all  the  Powder  he 
had  left  into  his  Gun  (and  a  poor  charge  it  was)  and  went 


neffefitie  of  the   tranfportation   of  our  94  The  wind  was  probably  northweft- 

men  to  the   faid  Hand   [Rhode-Ifland]  erly,  as  it  is  apt  to  be  there  on  a  pleaf- 

and    otherwife   very   reddy   to    doe   vs  ant  day,  which  would  be  exactly  "  fair" 

good."     This  land  adjoined  that  of  the  for  Capt.  Golding  in  running  down,  as 

Lakes    (note    82,    ante).      \R.-I.    Col.  narrated;  and  which  would  foon  drift  a 

Rec.   ii :    480;    Savage,    Gen.  Difl.   ii.  light  canoe  on  lhore. 

287;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v:  214.     See  alfo  95  See  note  91,  ante.     I  fee  no  reafon 

Plym.    Col.  Rec.  v:    242,  and  vi :   120,  to  doubt  the  truftworthinefs  of  the  tra- 

for  further  facts  concerning  Capt.  G.]  dition  identifying  this  well. 

39 


[ "  ] 

prefenting  his  Gun  at  the  Enemy,  until  he  took  up  what 
he  went  for;  at  his  return  he  difcharged  his  Gun  at  the 
Enemy  to  bid  them  farewel,  for  that  time;  but  had  not 
Powder  enough  to  carry  the  Bullet  half  way  to  them. 

Two  Bullets  from  the  Enemy  ftuck  the  Canoo  as  he 
went  on  Board,  one  grazed  the  hair  of  his  Head  a  little 
before;  another  ftruck  in  a  fmall  Stake  that  flood  right 
againft  the  middle  of  his  Breaft. 

Now  this  Gentleman  with  his  Army,  making  in  all 
20  Men,  himfelf,  and  his  Pilot  being  numbred  with  them, 
got  all  fafe  aboard  after  Six  hours  ingagement  with  300 
Indians\  whofe  Number  we  were  told  afterwards  by  fome 
of  themfelves.  A  deliverance  which  that  good  Gentleman 
often  mentions  to  the  Glory  of  God,  and  His  Protecting  Prov- 
idence. The  next  day96  meeting  with  the  reft  of  their 
little  Company,  whom  he  had  left  at  Pocaffet,  (that  had 
alfo  a  fmall  skirmifh  with  the  Indians,  and  had  two  Men 
Wounded)97  they  return'd  to  the  Mount-hope  Garrifon; 
which  Mr.  Church  us'd  to  call  the  looling  Fort.  Mr. 
Church  then  returning  to  the  Ifland98  to  feek  Pro  virion  for 
the  Army,  meets  with  Alderman^  a  noted  Indian  that 

96  Friday,  9  July,  1675.  9S  Rhode  Ifland. 

97  Capt.  Fuller  "either  faw  or  heard  99  Alderman  was  a  fubject  of  Wecta- 
too  many  Indians  for  himfelf  and  his  moe  (note  24),  but  at  the  commence- 
Company  to  deal  with,  which  made  him  ment  of  the  war  went  to  the  Governor 
and  them  betake  themfelves  to  an  of  Plymouth,  and  defired  to  remain  at 
Houfe  near  the  Water-fide,  from  whence  peace  with  the  Engliih ;  and  now  left 
they  were  fetched  off  by  a  floop  before  Pocaffet  for  Rhode  Ifland  in  that  intent, 
night  to  Road-  IJla?id."  [Hubbard's  It  was  his  bullet  that  eventually  killed 
Narrative,  24.]  Philip.     [Drake's  Book  of  the  Ind.  226.] 

40 


[     12    ] 

was  juft  come  over  from  the  Squaw  Sachenfs  Cape  of 
Pocajfet,  having  deferted  from  her,  and  had  brought  over 
his  Family:  Who  gave  him  an  account  of  the  State  of  the 
Indians,  and  where  each  of  the  Sagamores  head  quarters 
were.  Mr.  Church  then  difcours'd  with  fome  who  knew 
the  Spot  well  where  the  Indians  faid  Weetamores  head 
quarters  were,  and  offered  their  Service  to  Pilot  him. 
With  this  News  he  [12]  haftned  to  the  Mount-hope  Gar- 
rifon.  The  Army  exprefs'd  their  readinefs  to  imbrace 
fuch  an  opportunity. 

All  the  ablefl  Souldiers  were  now  immediately  drawn 
off  equip'd  &  difpatch'd  upon  this  defign,  under  the  Com- 
mand of  a  certain  Officer:100  and  having  March'd  about 
two  Miles,  vis.  until  they  came  to  the  Cove101  that  lyes 
.S.  W.  from  the  Mount,  where  orders  was  given  for  an  halt. 
The  Commander  in  Chief  told  them  he  thought  it  proper 
to  take  advice  before  he  went  any  further;  called  Mr. 
Church  and  the  Pilot,  and  ask'd  them,  How  they  knew  that 
Philip  and  all  his  Men  were  not  by  that  time  got  to  Weeta- 
mores Camp)  or  that  all  her  own  Men  were  not  by  that 
ti?ne  returned  to  her  again  ?  With  many  more  frightful 
queftions.  Mr.  Church  told  him,  they  had  acquainted  him 
with  as  much  as  they  knew,  and  that  for  his  part  he  could 

100    Hubbard  fays,  Church  borrowed  101   Now  called  Mount   Cove.      They 

"three  files  of  Men  of  Capt.  Hcnchinan  were,  no  doubt,  on  their  way  to  Briftol 

with  his  Lieutenant:"  this  Lieutenant  ferry  —  then  called  Tripp's  ferry  [JR. -I. 

was  doubtlefs,  then,  the  officer  in  com-  Col.  Rec.  iii :  535] — to  crofs  to  Rhode- 

mand.      Fortunately   for   his    memory  Ifland,  and  thence,  over  Howland's  fer- 

his  name  was  not  defignated.      \_Nar-  ry,  to  Pocaffet,  whence  it  would  be  a 

rative,  25.]  little  over  ft*,  miles  to  "  the  Fall  River." 
6                                                      41 


[  13  ] 

difcover  nothing  that  need  to  difcourage  tJmn  from  Proceed- 
ing, that  he  thought  it  fo  practicable,  that  he  with  the  Pilot 
would  willingly  lead  the  way  to  the  Spot  and  hazard  the 
brunt.  But  the  Chief  Commander  infilled  on  this,  That 
the  Enemies  number  were  fo  great,  and  he  did  not  know 
what  numbers  more  might  be  added  u?ito  them  by  that  time : 
A?id  his  Company  fo  fmall,  that  he  cotild  not  think  it  practi- 
cable to  attack  them.  Added  moreover,  That  if  he  was 
fure  of  killing  all  the  Enemy,  and  knew  that  he  mufl  lofe  the 
Life  of  one  of  his  Men  in  the  action,  he  would  not  attempt 
it.  Pray  Sir,  then  (Reply'd  Mr.  Church)  Pleafe  to  lead102 
your  Company  to  yonder  Windmill  on  Rhode-Ifland,  and 
there  they  will  be  out  of  da?iger  of  being  killed  by  the  Enemy, 
and  we  fliall  have  lefs  trotible  tofupply  them  with  Provifions. 
But  return  he  would,  and  did,  unto  the  Garrifon  until 
more  ftrength  came  to  them  :  And  a  Sloop  to  tranfport 
them   to    the    Fall    River,103  in  order  to  vifit  Weetamores 


102  The  abfence  of  water  power  on  now  abforbed  this  fall;  fo  that  the  vifitor 
the  Illand  led,  as  early  as  1663,  to  the  muft  fearch  for  what  was  once  the  moft 
eredtion  of  windmills  for  grinding  corn  ;  prominent  feature  of  the  locality, 
and  feveral  eminences  in  the  town  of  Fowler  fays,  the  word  Quequecha.71 
Portfmouth  are  now  crowned  with  them,  fignifies  "falling  water,"  or  "  quick- 
which  may  be  feen  from  far.  [Arnold's  running  water;"  but  Mr.  Trumbull 
Hiji.  R.-I.  i :  370.]  fays,  "  Cktkee,  or  Ckec/ie,  alone,  or  in 

103  Qiicquechan  River  —  the  outlet  of  compofition,  means  'violent,'  'forcible,' 
Watuppa  Pond — was  about  two  miles  and  is  fometimes  applied  to  running 
long  and  lefs  than  one  rod  in  width,  water,  as  it  is  to  '  that  which  fweeps 
and  when  within  150  rods  of  tide-water  away,'  e.  g.  chekhihunk,  '  a  broom '  or 
it  fuddenly  defcended  132  feet  to  meet  '  befom,'  and  chek-eju  '  the  northweft 
it.  It  took  naturally,  therefore,  the  wind.'  I  do  not  think,  however,  that 
name  of  "  the  fall  of  the  river,"  or  Fall  it  is  found  in  Quequechan,  and  clearly 
River.      The    various    factories     have  not  unlefs  the  laft  part  of  the  name  — 

42 


[     12    ] 

Camp.  Mr.  Church,  one  Baxter™  and  Capt.  Hunter™  an 
Indian,  profer'd  to  go  out  on  the  difcovery  on  the  left 
Wing;  which  was  accepted;  they  had  not  March'd  above 
a  quarter  of  a  Mile  before  they  ftarted  Three  of  the 
Enemy.  Capt.  Htmter  wounded  one  of  them  in  his  knee, 
whom  when  he  came  up  he  difcovered  to  be  his  near 
kinfman;  the  Captive  defired  favour  for  his  Squaw,  if  fhe 
mould  fall  into  their  hands,  but  ask'd  none  for  himfelf, 
excepting  the  liberty  of  taking  a  Whiff  of  Tobacco,  and 
while  he  was  taking  his  Whiff,  his  kinfman  with  one  blow 
of  his  Hatchet  difpatch'd  him.  Proceeding  to  Weeta?nores 
Camp,106  they  were  difcover'd  by  one  of  the  Enemy,  who 


fignifying  '  water,'  'ftream,'  or  fome- 
thing  of  the  kind  —  has  been  loft." 
[Fowler's  Hijl.  Sketch,  Fall  River,  27.] 
104  Thomas  Baxter,  bricklayer,  of 
Yarmouth,  5  March,  1671-2,  was  ac- 
cufed  of  "  mifdemeanor  att  the  meet- 
ing-houfe  att  Yarmouth  ;  "  and,  again, 
of  entering  Edward  Sturgis's  houfe  on 
Lord's  Day,  11  April,  1675,  and  ftealing 
from  the  fame  ;  but  was  cleared  on  both 
charges  :  he  was  alfo  one  of  30  foldiers 
"  that  were  preffed  into  the  country's 
fervice,  and  went  to  Mount-Hope 
againft  our  enemies  the  Indians,  in 
the  year  1675,  and  took  their  firft  march 
June  24."  He  was  wounded  in  the  war, 
and  £20  were  allowed  him  by  the  Ply- 
mouth Court,  10 July,  1677,  as  a  "maim- 
ed fouldier,  whoe  hath  loft  the  vfe  of  one 
of  his  hands  in  the  time  hee  was  in  the 
countryes  fervice."  I  have  met  with 
no  record  of  any  other  of  the  name  as 
being  in  this  war,  and  prefume  this  ref- 


erence to  be  to  him.  [Plym.  Col.  Rec. 
v :  87,  16S,  239 ;  Freeman's  Hijl.  Cape 
Cod,  ii :    193.] 

105  Capt.  Hunter  appears  to  have 
been  a  Chriftianized  Nipmuk  Indian. 
On  the  6th  of  July  —  two  days  before 
the  fight  in  Almy's  peafe-field  —  Capt. 
Johnfon,  on  the  order  of  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Maffachufetts,  had  con- 
dueled  a  body  of  "  about  52  "  Praying 
Indians  (being  one-third  part  of  then- 
able-bodied  men)  to  the  army  at  Mount- 
Hope.  Among  them  was  John  Hunter, 
who,  on  his  return,  had  a  reward  given 
him  for  his  faithfulnefs ;  he  bringing 
back  with  him  a  fcalp ;  that,  no  doubt, 
of  the  Indian  referred  to  in  the  text. 
\Tranfadio?is  Amer.  Antiquarian  So- 
ciety, ii:    442,  444.] 

106  This  feems  to  have  been  fitua- 
ted  on  the  northern  fide  of  what  is  now 
called  Pocaffet  Cedar  Swamp ;  perhaps 
two  miles  and  a  half  fouth  of  the  city 


43 


[   «3  ] 

ran  in  and  gave  Information;  upon  which  a  lufty  Young 
Fellow  left  his  Meat  upon  his  Spit,  running  haftily  out 
told  his  companions,  he  would  kill  an  EngliJJi  man  before  he 
eat  his  dinner',  but  fail'd  of  his  defign,  being  no  fooner  out 
but  fhot  down.  The  Enemies  fires,  and  what  fhelter 
they  had  was  by  the  Edge  of  a  thick  Cedar  Swamp,  into 
which  on  this  Alarm  they  betook  themfelves;  and  the 
Englifh  as  nimbly  purfued;  but  were  foon  commanded 
back  by  their  Chieftain  after  they  were  come  within  hear- 
ing of  the  Crys  of  their  Women,  and  Children,  and  fo 
ended  that  Exploit.107  But  returning  to  their  Sloop  the 
Enemy  purfued  them  and  wounded  two  of  their  Men. 
The  next  day  return'd  to  the  Mount-hope  Garrifon.     [13] 

Soon  after  this,108  was  Philips  head  Quarters  vifited  by 
fome  other  EngliJJi  Forces ;  but  Philip  and  his  gang  had 
the  very  fortune  to  efcape  that  Weetamore  and  hers  (but 
now  mentioned)  had:  they  took  into  a  Swamp  and  their 
purfuers    were    commanded    back.      After    this109   Dart- 

of  Fall  River,  and  lying  between  South  thought    they    had    him    hemmed    in 

Watuppa  Pond  and  the  hights  which  there,  and  fo  the  Plymouth  forces  and 

look  down  on  Mount-Hope  Bay.  Capt.  Henchman   with   ioo  foot,  were 

107  Hubbard  fays,  "wherein  fome  few  left  to  "attend  the  Enemies  motion, 
of  them  [the  Indians]  fourteen  or  fif-  being  judged  fufficient  for  that  end." 
teen  were  flain."     ^Narrative,  25.]  One   night,   however,   "  in   the  end   of 

108  Hubbard  fays  that  our  forces  went  July"  Philip  and  his  warriors  either 
to  Rehoboth  on  Friday,  15  July  (15  waded  acrofs  Taunton  river,  at  a  very 
July  was  ThurJ'day),  next  day  to  Mat-  low  tide,  or  got  over  on  rafts,  and  ef- 
tapoifett,  and  next  day  to  Taunton.  caped  to  the  Nifimuk  Country.  [JVar- 
July  18  (Hubbard  calls  it  "  Munday,"  rative,  25-27.]  Fowler  [Hiji.  Sketch, 
but  the  18th  was  Sunday ;  fo  that  they  Fall  River,  10]  fays  they  croiTed  juft 
probably  ftarted  on  the  19th)  they  above  where  Fall  River  now  ftands. 
marched  18  miles,  and  attacked  Philip  109  Dartmouth  feems  to  have  been 
"  in  the  great  fwampe  upon  Pocajfct  deftroyed  by  the  Indians  in  the  latter 
neck,    of    feven    miles     long."     They  half  of  July. 

44 


[  13  ] 

mouths  diftreffes  required  Succour,  great  Part  of  the  Town 
being  laid  defolate,  and  many  of  the  Inhabitants  kill'd;  the 
moil  of  Plymouth  Forces  were  order'd  thither:  And  com- 
ing to  Rujfels  Garrifon  at  Poncganfet™  they  met  with  a 
Number  of  the  Enemy  that  had  furrendred  themfelves 
Prifoners  on  terms  promifed  by  Capt.  Eels111  of  the  Garri- 
fon; and  Ralph  Earl112  that  perfwaded  them  (by  a  friend 
Indian  he  had  employed)  to  come  in.  And  had  their 
promifes  to  the  Indians  been  kept,  and  the  Indians  farely 
treated,  'tis  probable  that  moft  if  not  all  the  Indians  in 
thofe  Parts,  had  foon  followed  the  Example  of  thofe  that 
had  now  furrendred  themfelves;  which  would  have  been 
a  good  flep  towards  finifhing  the  War.  But  in  fpite  of  all 
that  Capt.  Eels,  Church,  or  Earl  could  fay,  argue,  plead,  or 
beg,  fome  body  elfe  that  had  more  Power  in  their  hands 

110  The  Apponeganfett  River  (or  eight  children,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  of  Scit- 
cove)  is  the  fecond  cove  making  up  uate.  \_HiJi.  Dorchefter,  51 ;  Deane's 
from  Buzzard's  Bay  weft  and  fouth  of  Scituate,  197;  Harry's  Hanover,  301.] 
New-Bedford  harbor.  Faint  traces  112  Ralph  Earl  appears  to  have  been 
of  the  cellar  of  this  garrifon-houfe  fon  of  Ralph,  of  Portfmouth,  R.-L,  and 
might  lately  be  feen,  near  a  fpring  on  to  have  removed  to  Dartmouth  in  con- 
the  eaft  bank  of  this  river,  about  a  mile  fequence  of  the  gift  to  him  of  "  half  a 
from  its  mouth.  John  Ruffell  was  one  fhare  in  Coaxit  and  Aculhnet "  by 
of  the  earlieft  fettlers  of  Dartmouth.  Francis  Sprague  of  Duxbury,  who  calls 
[Ricketfon's  Hijl.  New  Bedford,  15,  him  "  fon-in-law."  He  was  fined,  29 
35'  J54']  06t.  166S,  55,  for  "affronting  the  con- 

111  Capt.  Samuel  Eclls  feems  to  have  ftable  "  of  Dartmouth.  He  was  himfelf 
been  the  fon  of  John,  of  Dorchefter.  conftable  in  1670.  I  am  forry  to  add 
He  was  baptized  at  Dorchefter,  3  May,  that  a  perfon  of  that  name  was  fined 
1640.  He  "commanded  a  garrifon  at  205,  at  Plymouth,  5  Oct.,  1663,  for 
Dartmouth,  Mafs.,  in  Philip's  war,"  "  drawing  his  wife  in  an  vnciuell  man- 
married  Anna,  daughter  of  Rev.  Robert  or  on  the  fnow."  [Savage's  Gen.  Did. 
Lenthal  of  Weymouth,  and  died  in  ii :  91 ;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  iv :  47  ;  v :  10, 
Hingham    in    1709;     leaving,    among  36.] 

45 


[  n  ] 


improv'd  it;  and  without  any  regard  to  the  promifes  made 
them  on  their  furrendring  themfelves,  they  were  carry'd 
away  to  Plymouth^  there  fold,  and  tranfported  out  of  the 
Country;  being  about  Eight- fcore  Perfons.113    An  action  fo 


113  The  following  I  take  to  be  the 
order  of  the  Council  of  war  upon  this 
cafe,  4  Aug.,  1675,  which  hints  the  light 
in  which  the  government  viewed  the 
matter :  — 

"  In  reference  vnto  a  companie  of 
"  natiues  now  in  coftodv,  brought  in  to 
"  Plymouth,  being  men,  weomen,  and 
"  children,  in  number  one  hundred  and 
"  twelue,  vpon  ferioufe  and  deliberate 
"  confideration  and  agitation  conferning 
"  them,  the  conclufion  is  as  followeth  : 
"  that  wheras,  vpon  examination,  it  is 
"  found  that  feuerall  of  them  haue  bine 
"  actors  in  the  late  rifing  and  warr  of 
"  the  Indians  againft  vs,  and  the  reft 
"  complyers  with  them  therein,  which 
"  they  haue  done  contrary  to  engage- 
"  ment  and  couenant  made  and  plighted 
"with  this  collonie,  which  they  haue 
"p'fidioufly  broken,  as  appeereth  fur- 
"  ther  alfoe  in  that  they  did  not  dif- 
"  couer  that  p'nifious  plott  which  Phillip, 
"with  others,  completed  againft  vs, 
"which  hath  caufed  the  destruction  of 
"  feuerall  of  vs,  by  loffe  of  liues  and 
"  eftates,  and  ftill  held  in  danger 
"  therby,  the  p'mifes  confidered  as 
"  aforefaid,  the  councell  adjudged  them 
"to  be  fold,  and  deuoted  vnto  fervi- 
"  tude,  excepting  fome  few  of  them, 
"  which,  vpon  ipeciall  confideration, 
"  are  to  be  otherwife  diipofed  of,  and 
"  the  Treafurer  is  appointed  by  the 
"  councell  to  make  fale  of  them  in  the 
"  countryes  behalfe." 


On  the  fecond  of  September  follow- 
ing, Similar  action  was  taken  in  the 
cafe  of  "  a  certaine  p'fell  of  Indians 
lately  come  in  to  Sandwich  in  a  fub- 
miffiue  way  to  this  collonie."  They 
were  adjudged  to  be  "  in  the  fame  con- 
dition of  rebellion,"  and  "  condemned 
vnto  p'petuall  fervitude."  There  were 
57  of  thefe,  which,  added  to  the  former 
H2,  made  169;  not  far  from  Church's 
eight  fcore.  Thacher,  under  date  of 
Oct.  4,  1765,  faj's,  "  one  hundred  and 
feventy-eight  [Indians]  had  recently 
been  shipped  on  board  of  Captain 
Sprague,  for  Cadiz";  unquestionably 
referring  to  this  fame  melancholy  mif- 
judgment.  It  is  effential  to  the  proper 
underftanding  of  fuch  a  transaction  as 
this,  that  the  general  cuftom  and  feeling 
of  the  time  fhould  be  confidered.  A 
very  curious  document  has  been  pre- 
ferved,  of  date  14  Aug.,  1676,  mowing 
that  Roger  Williams  was  chairman  of 
a  committee  in  Rhode-Ifland  to  difpofe 
of  fome  Indian  captives  whom  they  had 
taken.  All  under  5  years  of  age  were 
fold  to  ferve  till  they  were  30 ;  all  be- 
tween 5  and  10,  till  2S ;  all  between  10 
and  15,  till  27 ;  all  between  15  and  20, 
till  26 ;  all  between  20  and  30  were  to 
ferve  8  years ;  all  above  30,  7  years. 
Judge  Staples  fays  that,  in  moft  in- 
stances, Indian  prifoners  "were  fent 
out  of  the  country  and  fold  for  Slaves 
for  life."  [Pfym.  Col.  Rcc.  v  :  173,  174; 
Hift.  Plym.  136 ;  R.-I.  Hiji.  Coll.  v  :  170.] 


46 


[   13  ] 


hateful  to  Mr.  Church,  that  he  oppof 'd  it  to  the  lofs  of  the 
good  Will  and  Refpe6ts  of  fome  that  before  were  his  good 
Friends.  But  while  thefe  things  were  acting  at  Dart- 
mouth, Philip  made  his  efcape,  leaving  his  Country,  fled 
over  Tauu  ton-River,  and  Peho5oth-P\a'm,m  and  Petuxet- 
River,115  where  Capt.  Edmunds  of  Providence™  made  fome 
fpoil  upon;  and  had  probably  done  more,  but  was  pre- 
vented by  the  coming  up  of  a  Superiour  Officer,117  that  put 
him  by.     And  now  another  Fort  was  built  at  PocaJJet. 


118 


i14  Seekonk  Plain. 

115  See  note  108,  ante.  Pawtucket  and 
Pawtuxet  should  not  be  confounded,  as 
thej  are  different  names.  Pautuck-et 
is  "  at  the  falls  of  the  river; "  Pautuxet 
(Pautuck-eje-et)  introduces  a  diminu- 
tive, i.  e.  "  at  the  little  falls  of  the  river." 
The  river  referred  to  in  the  text  is  now 
called  the  Blackftone. 

116  Capt.  Andrew  Edmutids  {Ed- 
monds or  Edmunds)  was  of  Providence, 
and  married  Mary,  dau.  of  Benj.  Her- 
endean,  14  Odt.,  1675  ;  7  Aug.,  1676  the 
R.-I.  Afiembly  voted  him  and  his  com- 
pany one-half  of  the  money  accruing 
from  the  fale  of  35  Indians  "brought 
in  by  them ; "  17  June,  16S4  he  ferved 
on  a  Coroner's  Jury  on  the  death  of 
John  Miller  of  Rehoboth ;  25  Dec,  16S9 
Plymouth  Court  ordered  him  205.  a 
week  for  his  fervice  in  the  Eaftern  Ex- 
pedition, and,  by  vote  of  3  March, 
1690,  the  Rhode-Ifland  Afiembly  added 
£6  to  it.  He  died  previous  to  1696, 
having  had  five  children.  His  widow 
was  allowed  to  keep  the  ferry  over  See- 
konk river.  [Savage's  Gen.  Did.  ii : 
101  ;   R.-I.  Col.  Pec.  ii :  549;    iii  :   263, 


277,  2S0,  313;  Plym.  Col.  Pec.  vi :   143, 
229.] 

117  Hubbard  names  Capt.  Henchman 
in  this  connection,  and  adds  "what 
the  reafon  was  why  Philip  was  followed 
no  further,  it  is  better  to  fufpend,  then 
too  critically  to  inquire."  The  infer- 
ence, taken  with  what  Church  fays,  is 
that  Henchman  was  the  man  on  whom 
the  blame  refted.  [Narrative,  28.] 
The  Rev.  Noah  Newman  of  Rehoboth 
was  very  efficient  and  ufeful  in  this 
afiault  on  the  retreating  Philip.  [Blifs's 
Rehoboth,  87.] 

118  Capt.  Cudworth  urged  this.  He 
wrote  to  Gov.  Winffow,  20  July,  1675, 
from  Mount-Hope  Neck,  faying  "  Now 
that  which  we  confider  to  be  beft,  is  to 
maintain  our  garrifon,  though  but  with 
twenty  men,  and  that  there  be  another 
garrifon  at  Pocajfet ;  and  to  have  a  fly- 
ing army,  to  be  in  motion  "  (doubtlefs 
with  thefe  points  as  its  bafe)  "to  keep 
the  Indians  from  deftroying  our  cattle, 
and  fetching  in  fupply  of  food ;  which 
being  attended,  will  bring  them  to 
great  ftraights,  &c."  [1  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll. 
vi :  85.]    I  have  not  been  able  to  identify 


47 


[  13  ] 

that  prov'd  as  troublefome  and  chargeable  as  that  at 
Mount-hope "3  and  the  remainder  of  the  Summer  was  im- 
prov'd  in  providing  for  the  Forts  and  Forces  there  main- 
tained, while  our  Enemies  were  fled  fome  hundreds  of 
Miles  into  the  Country,  near  as  far  as  Albany.  And  now 
ftrong  Sufpicions  began  to  arife  of  the  Narraganfet  In- 
dians™ that  they  were  ill  affected,  and  deligned  mifchief; 
and  fo  the  event  foon  difcovered.  The  next  Winter  they 
began  their  Hoftilities,  upon  the  EngliJJi™  The  United 
Colonies  then  agreed  to  fent  an  Army  to  fupprefs  them:121 


the  fite  of  this  Pocaflet  garrifon,  but 
fuppofe  it  to  have  been  within  the  pres- 
ent city-limits  of  Fall  River. 

119  The  Narraga7ifett  Indians  may  be 
generally  defcribed  as  having  occupied 
the  lower  half  of  what  is  now  the  main 
land  of  the  State  of  Rhode-Ifland,  in- 
cluding the  whole  of  Wafhington,  with 
the  lower  portion  of  Kent  Counties. 
[Gookin,  i  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.  i :  147;  R.- 
I.HiJh.  Coll.  iii:  1.]  With  regard  to 
the  fignificance  of  this  name,  concern- 
ing which  various  fuggeftions  have 
been  made,  (Drake's  Book  of  the  In- 
dians, 87,  note,)  Mr.  Trumbull  quotes 
Roger  Williams  :  "I  was  within  a  pole 
of  it,  but  could  not  learn  why  it  was 
called  Nahiganfct,"  and  fays,  "to whom 
I  have  nothing  to  add." 

120  From  the  date  of  Philip's  efcape 
acrofs  Taunton  River  (1  Aug.),  hoftilities 
had  been  in  progrefs.  Mendon  fettlers 
fell  firft.  Early  in  Auguft,  £>iiaboag 
(Brookfield)  was  deftroyed.  About  the 
firft  of  September,  Deerfield  was  burned. 
Soon  after,  Squakeag  (Northfield)  was 


afiaulted,  and  the  majority  of  Capt 
Beers's  party,  going  to  its  relief,  killed. 
Early  in  October,  Springfield  was  at- 
tacked, and  32  houfes  fired.  A  few  days 
later,  19  06t.,  Hatfield  was  affailed. 
The  Narraganfetts  fheltered  the  women 
of  the  warrior  Indians,  and  guns  were 
found  among  them  which  had  been 
taken  from  Beers's  men ;  fo  that  they 
were  judged  to  be  in  complicity  with 
Philip.  [Hubbard's  Narrative,  32-42, 
48 ;  Holmes's  Annals,  i :  372-375  ;  Hoyt's 
Indian  Wars,  99-112.] 

121  The  Commiftioners  of  the  United 
Colonies  wrote  from  Bofton,  12  Nov., 
1675,  to  Rhode-Ifland,  on  this  fubjedt,  as 
follows:  "  Findeing  that  y*  Narrigan- 
fets  under  pretence  of  freindlhip  haue 
bine  and  are  very  fals  and  perfideoufe, 
holdeing  as  is  reported  to  us  great  Cor- 
rifpondency  with  the  Enemy  that  are 
in  more  open  hoftillity  receiveing, 
releeving,  and  Contrary  to  their  Cove- 
nant detayneing  many  of  the  Enemy 
men,  women,  and  children  to  their 
great  advantage  and  our  prejudife,  and 


4S 


[   *3  ] 


Governour  Win/low™  to  command  the  Army.  He  under- 
taking the  Expedition,  invited  Mr.  Church  to  command  a 
Company  in  the  Expedition;  which  he  declin'd,  craving 
excufe  from  taking  Commiffion,  he  promifed  to  wait  upon 
him  as  a  ReformadoYlz  thro'  the  Expedition.  Having  rid 
with  the  General  to  Bofton™  and  from  thence  to  Reho- 
both.  Upon  the  Generals  requeft  he  went  thence  the  near- 
eft   way    over   the    Ferries,    with    Major    Smith125   to    his 


by  many  other  infolencejs  declaering 
their  Enmity,  and  that  indeed  they  are 
and  are  like  to  bee  the  very  randivoufe, 
and  feat  of  the  warr,  it  hath  drawne  us 
to  refolue  to  rayfe  iooo  men  in  the  Con- 
federate Coloneys  befides  them  alredy 
in  paye,  to  bee  improved  there  or  as 
the  providence  of  God  may  direct  to 
reduce  them  to  reafon ;  And  therefore 
judge  it  neceffary  to  advife  you  of  our 
intents  in  that  refpect,  to  intent  that 
you  may  not  only  take  cair  of  your 
fronteer  places,  but  afforde  fo[me] 
addition  to  our  numbers,  and  giue  us 
fuch  afiftance  by  your  floopes  and  vef- 
fells  as  wee  may  ftand  in  need  of,  &c." 
The  new  levy  was  proportioned  thus : 
Mafs.  527,  Plym.  158,  Conn.  315  =  1000. 
The  actual  attendance  of  troops  feems 
to  have  been,  as  follows :  from  Mafs. 
465  foot  (in  fix  companies)  and  75 
horfe  =  540  men;  from  Plymouth  158 
men  (in  two  companies) ;  from  Conn. 
450  men  (in  five  companies) ;  making 
a  total  of  1 148  men  from  the  Confeder- 
ate Colonies.  Befides  thefe,  a  "  confid- 
erable  number"  of  recruits  joined  the 
expedition  from  the  Rhode-Ifiand  Colo- 
ny. The  Army  was  under  command 
of  Gen.  Jofias  Winflow.  The  Mais. 
7 


troops  were  officered  by  Maj.  Appleton 
and  Capts.  Mofely,  Davenport,  Gard- 
ner, Oliver,  Johnfon,  and  Prentice ; 
the  Plymouth,  by  Maj.  Bradford  and 
Capt.  Gorham ;  and  the  Conn,  by 
Maj.  Treat  and  Capts.  Seely,  Gallup, 
Mafon,  Watts,  and  Marfhall.  A  partial 
lift  of  the  names  of  the  Mafs.  men  has 
been  publifhed.  [Plym.  Col.  Rec.  x : 
36Sj  458;  Barry's  Hijl.  Mafs.  i:  426; 
Trumbull's  Hijl.  Conn,  i :  337  ;  Arnold's 
Hijl.  R.-I.  i:  403;  N.  E.  Gen.  Reg. 
viii :   241.] 

122  See  note  20,  ante. 

12.3  "Reformatio,  a  reformed  Officer, 
or  one  whofe  Company,  or  Troop,  is 
fuppreffed  in  a  Reform,  and  he  con- 
tinued either  in  whole,  or  half  Pay,  he 
doing  Duty  in  the  Regiment.  In  a  fhip 
of  war,  a  Gentleman  who  ferves  as  a 
Voluntier,  in  order  to  gain  Experience, 
and  fucceed  the  principal  Officers." 
[Bailey.] 

124  As  Church's  home  at  Saconet  was 
temporarily  broken  up,  he  would  feem 
to  have  been,  in  this  interval,  with  his 
friends  at  Plymouth,  or  Duxbury. 

125  Richard  Smith,  jr.,  was  the  fon 
of  Richard,  "who  left  faire  Poffeffions 
in  Glofter  Shire"  Ene.,  and  was  one 


49 


[  H] 


Garrifon  in  the  Narraganfet  Country,™  to  prepare  and 
provide  for  the  coming  of  General  Win/low,  who  March'd 
round  thro'  the  Country  with  his  Army,  propoling  by  Night 
to  furprize  Pumham  (a  certain  Narraganfet  Sachem)  and 
his  Town  j127  but  being  aware  of  the  approach  of  [14]  our 


of  the  firft  fettlers  of  Taunton,  and  went 
to  Wickford,  R.-L,  about  1641,  "for  his 
conference  fake  (many  differences  arif- 
ing) " ;  where  he  built  a  block-houfe 
on  the  great  Pequot  road,  on  the  lite 
where  the  Updike  houfe  ftands,  or  lately 
ftood,  a  little  to  the  north  of  Wickford 
Hill,  in  No.  Kingftown,  R.-I.  He  was 
mixed  up  in  the  conflict  of  jurifdiclion 
between  Rhode-Ifland  and  Connecticut, 
and  was  appointed  Conftable  of  Wick- 
ford by  Conn,  in  1663 ;  was  put  under 
bonds  in  £400  to  anfwer  to  R.-I.  in 
1664;  2S  Dec,  1665  appears  as  witnefs 
in  the  Warwick  "  acquittance  ";  is  faid 
to  have  been  one  of  Andros's  Coun- 
cil in  1686;  was  appointed  by  Andros 
in  that  year  Juftice  of  the  Peace  and 
"  Sergeant-major  and  chief  Commander 
of  his  Majefty's  militia  both  of  horfe 
and  foot  within  the  Narraganfett  Coun- 
try, or  Province,  and  all  the  Iflands"; 
died  before  1692,  when  his  will  was 
proved,  mentioning  no  wife  nor  chil- 
dren. Church  calls  him  "  Major"  now, 
although  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  fo  until  fome  years  after  this  date. 
{R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll.  iii :  32,  166,  271 ;  R.-I. 
Col.  Rcc.  iii :  19S ;  Arnold's  Hijl.  R.-I. 
i :  283,  305,  307,  484.] 

126  Affirming  that  by  "Rehoboth" 
here  is  meant  Myles's  Garrifon  (fee 
note  44,  ante),  the  "  neareft  way  over 
the  Ferries"  thence  to  Smith's  block- 


houfe,  would  feem  to  have  been  through 
Mount-hope  neck  to  Briftol  ferry,  thence 
down  Rhode-Ifland  to  Newport,  thence 
over  by  ferry  to  Conanicut,  and 
thence  by  ftill  another  ferry  to  Wick- 
ford; —  a  diftance  which  I  eftimate  as 
a  little  over  30  miles.  The  ferries  from 
Newport  to  J ameftown  and  from  Jamef- 
town  to  Narraganfett  were  not  indeed 
formally  eftabliflied  by  the  Affembly 
until  1700,  but  they  had  doubtlefs  been 
running  for  many  years  as  an  irrefpon- 
fible  individual  enterprife.  It  is  poffible 
that  this  diftance  might,  at  the  date  to 
which  the  text  refers,  have  been  mate- 
rially fhortened  by  a  route  from  Briftol 
Ferry  to  Prudence,  and  from  thence  to 
Wickford ;  the  latter  a  diftance  of  5  or 
6  miles  by  water.  The  remark  about 
"  fair  winds  "  which  follows,  perhaps 
favors  this  latter  fuppofition ;  and,  at 
any  rate,  feems  to  fettle  it  that  Church 
did  not  go  round  by  Seekonk,  Provi- 
dence, Pawtuxet  and  Apponaug  Ferries, 
—  neither  of  which  was  wide  enough  to 
make  a  fair  wind  of  much  confequence 
in  croffing.  This  latter  was  clearly  how- 
ever the  route  of  the  army,  who  made  a 
detour  from  it  in  the  vain  hope  of 
catching  Pumham  at  his  village  in 
Warwick.     [R.-I.    Col.   Rcc.    iii :    406, 

4I5-] 

127  Pumham  (Rom/iam)  was  Sachem 
of  Shaivomet  (S/momet),  the  neck  that 


50 


[   i4] 


Army  made  their  efcape  into  the  defarts.  But  Mr.  Church 
meeting  with  fair  Winds  arriv'd  fafe  at  the  Major's  Garri- 
fon  in  the  evening.128  And  foon  began  to  inquire  after  the 
Enemies  Reforts,  Wigwams  or  Sleeping  Places;  and  having 
gain'd  fome  intelligence,  he  propofed  to  the  Eldriges™ 
and  fome  other  brisk  hands,  that  he  met  with,  to  attempt 
the  Surprizing  of  fome  of  the  Enemy  to  make  a  Prefent  of 
to  the  General,  when  he  mould  arrive:  which  might  ad- 
vantage his  defign;  being  brisk  blades,  they  readily  com- 
ply'd  with  the  motion,  and  were  foon  upon  their  March. 
The  Night  was  very  cold,  but  blefs'd  with  the  Moon*, 
before  the  day  broke  they  effected  their  exploit,  and  by 
the  riling  of  the  Sun  arrived  at  the  Major's  Garrifon, 
where  they  met  the  General  and  prefented  him  with  Eigh- 
teen of   the    Enemy,   they   had    Captiv'd.     The    General 


projects  into  Narraganfett  Bay,  having 
Providence  River  on  the  eaft,  and  Cow- 
efet  Bay  on  the  ibuth  and  weft,  it  being 
the  eaftern  portion  of  the  town  of  War- 
wick, R.-I.  The  name  is  perhaps  from 
pumtnu,  "he  fhoots  "  ;  fiunnvacn,  fium- 
muaen,  "one  who  fhoots."  With  re- 
duplicative— pe'-pumtvaefi,  "an  arch- 
er" (Eliot).  Or  perhaps,  from picmmoJi- 
ham,  "he  goes  by  water"  (goes  in 
boats).  Eliot  ufes  the  derivative,  pum- 
mohhamivaenuog  (pi.)  for  "mariners" 
(Jonah,  i :  5.).  The  pofition  of  the  Sha- 
omet  or  Warwick  Indians  favors  this 
etymology. 

128  The  evening  of  Saturday,  11  Dec, 
1675.     [/?.-/.  Hift.  Coll.  iii :  83.] 

129  There   were    three  Eldridges   (or 
Eldreds),  Samuel,  James,  and  Thomas, 


in  Wickford,  R.-I.,  in  1670;  as  is  proven 
by  their  names  attached  to  a  coroner's 
jury  verdict,  dated  July  14,  of  that  year. 
In  1679,  the  names  of  John  and  Samuel 
are  attached  to  a  petition  to  the  king. 
In  1692,  Thomas  was  Lieut.,  and  John, 
Etisign  ;  and  in  1702,  Daniel  was  Cap- 
tain. Samuel  was  Conftable  under  ap- 
pointment of  Conn,  in  the  boundary 
troubles  of  1670,  and  thereabouts,  and 
was  committed  to  jail  by  the  R.-I.  au- 
thorities for  attempting  to  act  for  Conn, 
in  an  arreft  for  murder.  Savage  fug- 
gefts  that  Samuel  (of  Cambridge  in 
1646)  was  the  father  of  at  leaft  fome  of 
them,  adding  that  Samuel  (the  fori) 
was  at  Rochefter  in  16SS.  [7?.-/.  Col. 
dice,  ii  :  344;  iii:  60,  2S7,  461;  R.-I. 
Hijl.  Coll.  iii :  73  ;    Gen.  Ditf.  ii :   107.] 


[   14  ] 


pleas'd  with  the  exploit,  gave  them  thanks,  particularly  to 
Mr.  Church,  the  mover  and  chief  a6lor  of  the  bulinefs; 
and  fending  two  of  them  (likely  Boys)  a  prefent  to  Bofton\ 
fmiling  on  Mr.  Church,  told  him,  That  he  made  no  doubt 
but  his  Faculty  would fupply  them  with  Indian  Boys  enough 
before  the  War  was  ended. 

Their  next  move130  was  to  a  Swamp  which  the  Indians 
had  Fortifyed  with  a  Fort.131     Mr.  Church  rid  in  the  Gen- 


130  Other  authorities  fhow  that  a  week 
elapfed  between  the  evening  of  the  ex- 
ploit above  related  and  the  fwamp  fight 
to  which  Church  now  refers.  The  Mafs. 
and  Plym.  troops  arrived  on  the  eve- 
ning of  the  12th.  On  the  14th,  two 
forays  were  made  upon  the  enemy,  and 
nine  Indians  were  killed,  twelve  cap- 
tured, and  150  wigwams  burned.  On 
the  15th,  feveral  ftragglers  from  the 
main  body  of  the  Englifh  were  cut  off. 
On  the  16th,  Capt.  Prentice  with  his 
troop  of  horfe  went  to  Bull's  Garrilbn 
at  Pcttaquamfcut  (on  Tower  Hill,  in 
So.  Kingftown,  R.-L),  and  returned  with 
the  news  that  the  Indians  had  burned 
it,  and  killed  10  men  and  5  women  and 
children.  On  the  17th,  the  Connecticut 
troops  arrived  at  Bull's.  On  the  18th, 
the  Mafs.  and  Plym.  forces  joined  them 
at  Pcttaquamfcut  at  5  P.M.  They  all 
then  marched  forward  in  the  fnow,  and 
camped  out  that  night;  ftarting  again 
at  break  of  day  on  Sunday  the  19th, 
and  about  1  p.m.  reached  the  edge  of 
the  fwamp  in  which  was  the  Indian 
fort.  [Hubbard's  Narrative,  50;  R.-I. 
Hijl.  Coll.  iii :  83.] 

131  This  fwamp  is  fituated  in  the  north- 
weft  portion  of  the  town  of  South  Kingf- 


town, R.-I.,  very  near  the  line  of  Rich- 
mond,—  lefs  than  a  mile  north-weft 
from  the  track  of  the  Providence  and 
Stonington  R.R.,  —  on  the  farm  of  J.  G. 
Clarke,  Efq.,  and  not  far  from  the  houfe 
of  Judge  W.  Marchant.  Dr.  Stiles  ftates 
that  it  "  is  about  feven  miles  nearly 
due  weft  from  Narraganfet  South  Fer- 
ry." On  this,  Judge  Davis  comments  : 
"It  is  apprehended  there  is  an  error  in 
the  ftatement  of  the  diftance  of  the  fort 
from  the  South  Ferry.  Seve?itee7i  miles, 
inftead  of  /even,  would  be  more  confift- 
ent  with  the  accounts  given  of  the 
marches  of  the  army,  by  cotemporary 
hiftorians."  But  the  identification  of 
the  locality  is  complete,  and  by  the 
road  it  is  nearly  ten  miles  from  the 
Ferry.  The  explanation  of  the  diftance 
named  by  cotemporaries  is  partly  that 
the  return  route  lay  not  to  the  Ferry, 
but  to  Smith's  garrilbn  in  Wickford, 
the  fite  of  which  is  diftant  (by  way  of 
Bull's  on  Tower  Hill,)  fcarcely  lefs  than 
feventeen  miles,  by  the  prefent  roads, 
from  the  fwamp ;  and  more,  that  the 
journey  followed  the  winding  Indian 
paths,  and  was  accomplifhed  through 
deep  fnow  and  in  a  night  of  intenfe 
cold.     The  fort  was  a  ftockade  enclofing 


52 


[  H  ] 


erals  guard  when  the  bloudy  ingagement  began;  but  being 
impatient  of  being  out  of  the  heat  of  the  action,  importu- 
nately beg'd  leave  of  the  General  that  he  might  run  down 
to  the  affiftance  of  his  friends,  the  General  yielded  to  his 
requeft,  provided  he  could  rally  fome  hands  to  go  with 
him.  Thirty  Men  immediately  drew  out  and  followed 
him:  They  entred  the  Swamp  and  paffed  over  the  Log, 
that  was  the  paffage  into  the  Fort,  where  they  faw  many 
Men  and  feveral  Valiant  Captains  lye  llain:132  Mr.  Church 
fpying  Capt.  Gardner128  of  Salem  amidft  the  Wigwams  in 


five  or  fix  acres  of  upland  in  the  middle 
of  the  fwamp  by  a  palifade,  which  was 
defended  by  a  hedge  "of  almoft  a  rod 
thicknefs  through  which  there  was  no 
paffing,  unlets  they  could  have  fired  a 
way  through,  which  then  they  had  no 
time  to  doe."  The  only  regular  entrances 
were  along  a  log  which  bridged  a  fpace 
of  water,  and  over  another  log  which 
was  defended  by  a  block-house.  [Hub- 
bard's Narrative,  52;  R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll. 
iii :  85  ;  Stiles's  ed.  Church,  29 ;  Davis's 
Morton's  Memorial,  433.] 

132  The  accounts  vary  very  much  as 
to  the  number  of  killed  and  wounded. 
A  letter  —  fuppofed  by  Hutchinfon  to  be 
by  Maj.  Bradford,  but  mown  by  Mr. 
Drake  [Book  of  the  Indians,  219]  to  be 
by  Capt.  James  Oliver  —  written  a  fhort 
time  after,  from  the  field,  and  which  the 
writer  fays  he  has  verified  by  reading 
to  the  officers  in  his  tent,  would  feem 
to  have  the  beft  elements  of  reliable- 
nefs.  It  fays  8  were  left  dead  in  the 
fort,  12  were  carried  away  dead,  and 
many  died  by  the  way,  or  as  foon  as 
brought  in ;  fo  that  they  buried  the  next 


day  (20  Dec.)  34,  the  next  day  4,  and 
the  next  day  2.  Eight  died  on  Rhode- 
Ifland  (whither  moft  of  the  wounded 
were  carried,  for  care),  1  at  Pcttaquamf- 
cut,  and  2  were  loft  in  the  woods.  He 
makes  the  total  "about  68"  who  died, 
and  150  wounded  who  recovered.  Capts. 
Johnfon,  Davenport,  Gardner,  Seely, 
Gallup,  Marfhall,  and  Mafon  were  killed, 
or  died  of  their  wounds.  [Hutchinfon's 
Hijl.  Mafs.,  (ed.  1795),  i:  272.]  See 
Drake's  Hijl.  Bojlon  [i :  414]  for  a  lift 
of  the  killed  and  wounded  of  the  Mafs. 
quota. 

133  Capt.  jfojefh  Gardner  was  fon  of 
the  firft  Thomas,  of  Salem ;  married 
Ann,  dau.  of  Emanuel  Downing,  in 
1656 ;  was  freeman  in  1672 ;  captain 
of  one  Salem  company  in  1674.  He 
owned  the  fine  old  houfe  in  Salem  — 
ftanding  until  1750  (of  which  Felt  gives 
an  engraving)  —  known  afterward  as 
the  "Bradftreet  Manfion";  his  widow 
marrying  Simon  (afterwards  Gov.) 
Bradftreet.  [Savage's  Gen.  Difl.  ii : 
228;  Felt's  Annals  of  Salem,  i:  412; 
ii :  497.] 


53 


[  is  ] 

the  Eaft  end  of  the  Fort,  made  towards  him,  but  on  a 
fudden,  while  they  were  looking  each  other  in  the  Face, 
Capt.  Gardner  fettled  down,  Mr.  Church  ftep'd  to  him 
and  feeing  the  blood  run  down  his  cheek,  lifted  up  his 
Cap,  and  calling  him  by  his  Name;  he  look'd  up  in  his 
Face,  but  fpoke  not  a  Word,  being  Mortally  Shot  thro' 
the  head;  and  obferving  his  Wound,  Mr.  Church  found 
the  ball  entred  his  head  on  the  fide  that  was  next  the  Up- 
land, where  the  EnglifJi  entred  the  Swamp.  Upon  which, 
having  ordered  fome  care  to  be  taken  of  the  Captain,  he 
difpatch'd  information  to  the  General  that  the  beft  and  for- 
warder!: of  his  Army  that  hazarded  their  lives  to  enter  the 
Fort,  upon  the  muzzle  of  the  Enemies  Guns,  were  Shot  in 
their  backs,  and  kill'd  by  them  that  lay  behind.  Mr. 
Church  with  his  fmall  Company  haften'd  out  of  the  Fort 
(that  the  Engli/Ji  were  now  poffefTed  of)  to  get  a  Shot  at 
the  Indians  that  were  in  the  Swamp,  &  kept  firing  upon 
them.  He  foon  met  with  a  broad  bloody  track,  where  the 
Enemy  had  fled  with  their  Wounded  men;  following  hard 
in  the  tra6t,  he  foon  fpy'd  one  of  the  Enemy,  who  clap'd 
his  Gun  a-crofs  his  breaft,  made  towards  Mr.  Church,  and 
beckned  to  him  with  his  hand;  Mr.  Church  immediately 
commanded  [15]  no  Man  to  hurt  him,  hoping  by  him  to 
have  gain'd  fome  intelligence  of  the  Enemy,  that  might  be 
of  advantage;  but  it  unhappily  fell  out  that  a  Fellow  that 
had  lag'd  behind  coming  up,  fhot  down  the  Indian,  to  Mr. 
Church's  great  grief  and  difappointment.  But  immedi- 
ately they  heard  a  great  fhout  of  the  Enemy,  which  feem'd 

54 


[  <S  ] 

to  be  behind  them,  or  between  them  and  the  Fort;  and 
difcover'd  them  running  from  tree  to  tree  to  gain  advant- 
ages of  firing  upon  the  EnglifJi  that  were  in  the  Fort.  Mr. 
Churches  great  difficulty  now  was  how  to  difcover  himfelf 
to  his  Friends  in  the  Fort,  ufing  feveral  inventions,  till  at 
length  gain'd  an  opportunity  to  call  to,  and  inform  a  Ser- 
jeant in  the  Fort,  that  he  was  there,  and  might  be  expofed 
to  their  Shots,  unlefs  they  obferv'd  it.  By  this  time  he 
difcovered  a  number  of  the  Enemy  almolt  within  Shot  of 
him,  making  towards  the  Fort;  Mr.  Church  and  his  Com- 
pany were  favoured  by  a  heap  of  brum  that  was  between 
them  and  the  Enemy,  and  prevented  their  being  difcover'd 
to  them.  Mr.  Church  had  given  his  Men  their  particular 
orders  for  firing  upon  the  Enemy;  and  as  they  were  riling 
up  to  make  their  Shot,  the  afore-mentioned  Serjeant  in  the 
Fort,  called  out  to  them,  for  God^s  fake  not  to  fire,  for  he 
believed  they  were  fome  of  their  Friend  Indians ; 134  They 
clap'd  down  again,  but  were  foon  fenfible  of  the  Serjeants 
miftake.     The  Enemy  got  to  the  top  of  the  Tree,  the  body 


134  One  hundred  and  fifty  Mohegans  executed ;  teftified,  according  to  Roger 
and  Pequots  formed  a  part  of  the  Conn.  Williams's  record,  "  if  the  Monhiggins 
forces.  Capt.  Oliver  (note  132,  ante)  &  Pequts  had  bene  true,  they  might 
does  not  fpeak  well  of  them.  He  fays :  haue  deftroyed  moft  of  the  Nahiggon- 
"  Monhegins  and  Pequods  proved  very  fiks;  but  the  Nahigonfiks  parlied  with 
falfe,  fired  into  the  air,  and  fent  word  them  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  fo 
before  they  came  they  would  do  lb,  but  that  they  promifed  to  Ihoote  high,  which 
got  much  plunder,  guns  and  kettles."  they  did,  &  kild  not  one  Nahigonfik 
So  Jofhua  Tift,  a  renegade  Englifhman,  man,  except  againft  thejr  wills." 
who  had  married  an  Indian  wife,  and  [Trumbull's  Hiji.  Conn,  i :  337 ;  Hutch- 
was  active  in  this  fight,  but  was  after-  infon's  Hiji.  Mafs.  (ed.  1795,)  i:  273; 
wards  taken,  examined,  condemned,  and  4  Mafs.  Hiji.  Coll.  vi :  308.] 

55 


[  15  ] 

whereof  the  Serjeant  flood  upon,  and  there  clap'd  down 
out  of  fight  of  the  Fort,  but  all  this  while  never  difcovered 
Mr.  Churchy  who  obferved  them  to  keep  gathering  unto 
that  Place,  until  there  feem'd  to  be  a  formidable  black 
heap  of  them.  Now  brave  boys  (faid  Mr.  Church  to  his 
Men)  if  we  mind  our  hits,  we  may  have  a  brave  Shot,  and  let 
our  Jign  for  firing  on  them,  be  their  rifing  tip  to  fire  into  the 
Fort.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Indians  rifing  up  as  one 
body,  defigning  to  pour  a  Volley  into  the  Fort.  When 
our  Church  nimbly  ftarted  up  and  gave  them  fuch  a  round 
Volley,  and  unexpected  clap  on  their  backs,  that  they  who 
efcaped  with  their  Lives,  were  fo  furprized,  that  they 
fcampered,  they  knew  not  whether  themfelves;  about  a 
dozen  of  them  ran  right  over  the  Log  into  the  Fort,  and 
took  into  a  fort  of  a  Hovel  that  was  build  with  Poles,  after 
the  manner  of  a  corn  crib.  Mr.  Church's  Men  having 
their  Catteridges  fix'd,  were  foon  ready  to  obey  his  order, 
which  was  immediately  to  charge  and  run  on  upon  the 
Hovel,  and  over-fet  it,  calling  as  he  run  on  to  fome  that 
were  in  the  Fort  to  aflift  him  in  over-fetting  of  it;  they  no 
fooner  came  to  Face  the  Enemies  fhelter,  but  Mr.  Church 
difcover'd  that  one  of  them  had  found  a  hole  to  point  his 
Gun  through,  right  at  him;  but  however  incouraged  his 
Company,  and  ran  right  on,  till  he  was  ftruck  with  Three 
Bullets,  one  in  his  Thigh,  which  was  near  half  of  it  cut 
off  as  it  glanced  on  the  joynt  of  the  Hip-bone;  another 
thro'  the  gatherings  of  his  Breeches  and  Draws,  with  a 
fmall    flefh   Wound;    a    third    peirced    his    Pocket,    and 

56 


[  i6] 

wounded  a  pair  of  Mittins,  that  he  had  borrowed  of  Capt. 
Prentice  \  being  wrap'd  up  together  had  the  mif-  [16] 
fortune  of  having  many  holes  cut  thro'  them  with  one 
Bullet:  But  however  he  made  fhift  to  keep  on  his  Legs, 
and  nimbly  difcharged  his  Gun  at  them  that  wounded 
him:  being  difinabled  now  to  go  a  ftep,  his  Men  would 
have  carried  him  off,  but  he  forbid  their  touching  of  him, 
until  they  had  perfected  their  project  of  over-fetting  the 
Enemies  fhelter;  bid  them  run,  for  now  the  Indians  had 
no  Guns  charged.  While  he  was  urging  them  to  run  on, 
the  Indians  began  to  moot  Arrows,  and  with  one  peirc'd 
thro'  the  Arm  of  an  EnglifJi  Man  that  had  hold  of  Mr. 
Churches  Arm  to  fupport  him.  The  Engli/k,  in  fhort, 
were  difcourag'd,  and  drew  back.  And  by  this  time  the 
EnglifJi  People  in  the  Fort  had  began  to  fet  fire  to  the 
Wigwams  &  Houfes  in  the  Fort,  which  Mr.  Church  laboured 
hard  to  prevent;  they  told  him,  They  had  orders  from  the 
General  to  burn  tkem\  he  beg'd  them  to  forbear  until  he 
had  difcours'd  the  General;  and  haftning  to  him,  he  begd 
to  f pare  the  Wigwams,  &c.  in  the  Fort  from  fire,  told  him, 
The  Wigwams  were  Musket-proof  being  all  liti'd  with 
BafJccts  and  Tubbs  of  Grain,  and  other  Provifions,  fuf- 
ficicnt  to  fupply  the  whole  Army,  until  the  Spring  of  the 
Tear;1®*  and  every  wounded  Man  might  have  a  good  warm 
Houfe  to  lodge  in,  which  other-ways  would  neceffarily  pcrifJi 
with  the  Storms  and  Cold.     And  more-over,  that  the  Army 

1:35    Church's   part   experience   in   the      nature  to  urge  this  confideration  upon 
commiffary  department  had  been  of  a      his  mind  with  great  force. 
8  57 


[  i6] 

had  no  other  ProviJio7i  to  trujl  unto  or  depend  upon  ;  that  he 
knew  that  Plymouth  Forces  had  not  fo  much  as  one  Bifcake 
left,  for  he  had  feen  their  loft  dealt  out,  &c.  The  General 
advifmg  a  few  Words  with  the  Gentlemen  that  were  about 
him,  Mov'd  towards  the  Fort,  deligning  to  ride  in  himfelf, 
and  bring  in  the  whole  Army.  But  juft  as  he  was  entring 
the  Swamp,  one  of  his  Captains136  meet  him,  and  asked 
him,  Whither  he  was  going ?  He  told  him  into  the  Fort; 
the  Captain  laid  hold  of  his  Horfe,  and  told  him,  His  Life 
was  worth  an  hmidred  of  theirs,  a7id  he  flwuld  not  expofe 
himfelf.  The  General  told  him,  That  he  fuppofed  the 
brunt  was  over,  and  that  Mr.  Church  had  informed  him 
that  the  Fort  was  taken,  &c.  And  as  the  cafe  was  circum- 
fianced  he  was  of  the  Mind,  that  it  was  mofl  practicable  for 
him,  and  his  Army  to  fielter  themfelves  in  the  Fort.  The 
Captain  in  a  great  heat,  reply'd,  That  Church  ly*d\  and 
told  the  General,  That  if  he  movld  another  flep  towards  the 
Fort  he  would  flioot  his  Horfe  under  him.  Then  brufled 
up  another  Gentleman,  a  certain  Do6tor,137  and  oppofs'd 
Mr.  Churctts  advice,  and  faid,  If  it  zvere  comply  d  with,  it 

136  Likely  to  be  Captain  Mofely,  who  were  provided."  Dr.  John  Clark,  ap- 
was  a  "  rough  and  fanguinary  foldier,"  parently  fon  of  Dr.  John,  who  came  to 
and  whom  Hubbard  names  as  very  Bofton  from  Newbury,  and  whofe  pic- 
aclive  and  ferviceable  in  the  fight.  ture  hangs  in  the  rooms  of  the  Mafs. 
\_Narrative,  54.]  Hift.  Soc.,  was  appointed  by  the  Mafs. 

137  Church's  reticence  in  regard  to  Court,  on  the  25th  Feb.  following, 
names,  where  cenfure  is  implied,  is  no-  "  chirurgion  for  y"  fervice."  Dr. 
ticeable.  No  record  of  the  furgeons  Matthew  Fuller  (fee  note  69,  ante)  was, 
accompanj-ing  this  expedition  has  met  no  doubt,  ftill  furgeon-general  of  the 
my  eye.  Trumbull  fays,  "  the  beft  fur-  Plymouth  troops.  \_HiJl.  Conn,  i :  340, 
geons  which  the  country  could  furnilh,  note ;  Mafs.  Col.  Rcc.  v:  75.] 

5S 


[  '7  ] 

would  kill  more  Men  than  the  Enemy  had  killed ;  for  (faid 
he)  by  to  Morroiv  the  wounded  Men  will  be  fo  Jliff  that 
there  will  be  no  moving  of  them'.  And  looking  upon  Mr. 
Church,  and  feeing  the  blood  flowing  a  pace  from  his 
Wounds,  told  him,  That  if  he  gave  fuck  advice  as  that  was, 
he  flwuld  bleed  to  Death  like  a  Dog,  before  they  would  en- 
deavour to  flench  his  blood.  Though  after  they  had  pre- 
vailed againft  his  advice,  they  were  fufficiently  kind  to 
him.  And  burning  up  all  the  Houfes  and  Provilions  in 
the  Fort;  the  Army  return'd  the  fame  Night  in  the  Storm 
and  Cold:  And  I  Suppofe  every  one  that  is  acquainted 
with  the  circumftances  of  that  Nights  March,  deeply 
laments  the  miferies  that  attended  them,  efpecially  the 
[17]  wounded  &  dying  Men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to 
pafs  that  Capt.  Andrew  Belcher™  arrived  at  Mr.  Smiths 
that  very  Night  from  Boflon,  with  a  VefTel  loaden  with 
Provilions  for  the  Army,  who  muft  otherwife  have  perilh'd 
for  want.  Some  of  the  Enemy  that  were  then  in  the  Fort 
have  lince  inform'd  us,  that  near  a  third  of  the  Indians 
belonging  to  all  that  Narraganfet  Country  were  killed  by 
the  EnglifJi,  and  by  the  Cold  that  Night,139  that  they  fled 

138  See  note  52,  cuitc.  Smith's  block-  could  not  eftimate.  Capt.  Oliver  fays, 
houfe  flood  on  the  cove  making  up  300  warriors  were  flain,  and  about  350 
north-wefterly  from  the  entrance  of  were  taken,  with  above  300  women  and 
what  is  now  called  Wickford  harbor.  children.     The  Conn.  Council  wrote  to 

139  Hubbard  fays,  on  the  ftory  of  one  Andros  (13  Jan.,  1675-6),  "  about  600  of 
Potock,  afterwards  taken,  that  the  In-  the  Indians,  men,  women,  &  children, 
dians  loft  700  warriors  killed,  befides  as  is  faid,  are  flaine."  Roger  Williams, 
300,  moft  of  whom  died  of  their  wounds  in  his  account  of  the  examination  of 
and  of  expofure,  with  a  number  of  old  Jofhua  Tift,  fays,  he  faid  that  the  Indians 
men,  women,  and  children,  which  they  "found  97  flaine  &  48  wounded,  befide 

59 


t  '7  ] 

out  of  their  Fort  fo  haftily  that  they  carried  nothing  with 
them:  that  if  the  Englifit  had  kept  in  the  Fort,  the  Indians 
had  certainly  been  neceffitated,  either  to  furrender  them- 
felves  to  them,  or  to  have  periihed  by  Hunger,  and  the 
feverity  of  the  Seafon.  Some  time  after  this  Fort-fight  a 
certain  Sogkonate  Indian  hearing  Mr.  Church  relate  the 
manner  of  his  being  wounded,  told  him,  That  he  did  not 
know  but  he  him/elf  was  the  Indian  that  wounded  him,  for 
that  he  was  one  of  that  company  of  Indians  that  Mr. 
Church  made  a  Shot  upon  when  they  were  rifing  tip  to  make 
a  Shot  into  the  Fort ;  they  were  in  number  about  60  or  70, 
that  juft  then  came  down  from  Pumhams  Towji,  and  never 
before  then  fired  a  Gttn  againft  the  Englifh ;  that  when  Mr. 
Church  fired  upon  them  he  killed  14  dead  in  the  Spot,  and 
wounded  a  greater  number  than  he  killed,  many  of  which 
dyed  afterwards  with  their  wounds,  in  the  Cold  and  Storm 
the  following  Night. 

Mr.  Church  was  mov'd  with  other  wounded  men  over 
to  Rhode-Ifland,  where  in  about  a  Months  time140  he  was 
in  fome  good  meafure  recovered  of  his  Wounds,  and  the 
Fever  that  attended  them.  And  then  went  over  to  the  Gen- 
eral to  take  his  leave  of  him,  with  a  delign  to  return  home. 

what  {laughter  was  made  in  the  howfes  ing  the  firft  edition,  made  here  the 
&  bj  the  burning  of  the  howfes,  all  of  curious  blunder  of  fubftituting  "  three 
which    he    fajth   were   burnt   except  5      months    time"    for  "a  months    time," 


or  6  thereabouts."  [Narrative,  54 
Ilutchinfon's  Hijl.  Mafs.  (ed.  1795),  i 
273,  ?iote  ;    Col.  Rcc.  of  Conn,  ii :   398 


as  originally  fet  down ;  and  Dr.  Stiles 
did  not  correct  their  error,  which  has 
been   perpetuated    in    all    the    editions 


4  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.  vi :  309.]  iince,  and  which  led  Mr.  Drake,  in  his 

140  Southwick's  compofitors,  in  copy-      fecond  edition,  quite  naturally  to  fup- 

60 


[  i»  ] 

But  the  Generals  great  importunity  again  perfwaded  him, 
to  accompany  him  in  a  long  March,  into  the  Nipmiick  Coun- 
try,141 tho'  he  had  then  Tents  in  his  Wounds,  and  fo  Lame 
as  not  able  to  Mount  his  Horfe  without  two  Mens  affiftance. 

In  this  March  the  firft  thing  remarkable  was,  they  came 
to  an  Indian  Town,142  where  there  were  many  Wigwams 


pofe  that  Church  here  refers  to  an  expe- 
dition into  the  Nipmuck  country  in 
March,  1676,  which  no  other  chronicler 
had  noticed.  As  Church  dictated  his 
narrative,  the  chronology  was  correct. 
The  fight  was  on  the  19th  of  December. 
It  was  probably  feveral  days  after  that 
date  before  Church,  with  the  wounded, 
was  got  over  to  Rhode-Illand.  The 
Conn,  forces  foon  went  home  to  recruit, 
but  the  Mafs.  and  Plym.  troops  re- 
mained in  garrifon  at  Wickford,  and 
were  re-enforced  from  Bofton,  Jan.  10. 
The  Conn,  forces  (fee  Maj.  Palmes's 
letter,  Conn.  Col.  Rec.  ii :  402)  appear 
to  have  reached  Wickford  again,  27 
Jan.,  when  the  whole  army  feems  to 
have  ftarted  for  the  Nipmuck  country 
(whither  the  enemy  were  underftood  to 
have  fled),  1600  ftrong.  This  corref- 
ponds,  very  accurately,  with  the 
month's  interval  of  which  Church 
fpeaks,  if  he  accompanied  Gov.  Win- 
flow  on  this  firft  march,  in  force,  from 
Wickford.  Hubbard's  account  implies 
that  our  men  ftarted  from  Wickford,  27 
Jan.  [Hubbard's  Narrative,  58,  60; 
Arnold's  Hijl.  R.-I.  i :  406 ;  Drake's 
Church.,  65.] 

141  Nipmuck  \_Nip>iet~]  was  a  name 
given  to  the  petty  tribes,  or  clans,  of 
inland   Indians   fcattered  over  a  large 


extent  of  country,  in  Windham  and 
Tolland  Counties  in  Connecticut,  Wor- 
cefter  and  Hampden  Counties  in  Mafia- 
chufetts,  and  the  northern  part  of 
Rhode-Ifland ;  but  their  principal  feat 
was  at,  or  near,  the  great  ponds  in 
Oxford  (Webfter),  Mafs.  From  thefe 
ponds  they  probably  derived  their  name 
of  "Pond"  or  "  Frelh-water "  (jiippe, 
nip)  Indians.  If  the  two  names,  or 
forms  of  the  name,  are  not  identical 
in  origin,  Nipnct  belongs  to  the  terri- 
tory, i.e.  "at  the  frelb-water  pond"; 
Nipmuck,  to  the  tribe,  (iiip-amaug) 
"they  fiih  in  frelh  water";  but  poffibly 
"  a  frelh  water  filhing-place."  This 
diftinguilhed  them  from  the  Shore  In- 
dians, and  the  River  Indians  of  the 
Connecticut  Valley ;  their  neighbors  on 
the  weft.  Snipjic  (corrupted  from 
MiJJicnipf-ci)  Pond,  in  Ellington,  Conn., 
was  the  bound  where  the  country  of 
the  Nipmucks  joined  that  of  the  River 
Indians  on  the  weft,  and  the  Mohcgan 
north-weft  angle. 

142  Suppofed  to  be  Pumham's  town 
(fee  note  127,  ante)  in  a  rocky  fwamp 
in  Warwick,  R.-I.,  — Warwick  then  em- 
bracing moft  of  what  is  now  Warwick 
and  Coventry.  The  diftance  is  ftated 
as  20  miles  from  Smith's.  [Baylies' 
Mem.  Plym.   Col.  iii :  104.] 


61 


[  i8] 

in  fight,  but  an  Icy  Swamp  lying  between  them  and  the 
Wigwams,  prevented  their  running  at  once  upon  it  as  they 
intended:  there  was  much  firing  upon  each  fide  before 
they  pafs'd  the  Swamp.  But  at  length  the  Enemy  all  fled, 
and  a  certain  Moohegan  that  was  a  friend  Indian,  purfued 
and  feiz'd  one  of  the  Enemy  that  had  a  fmall  wound  in  his 
Leg,  and  brought  him  before  the  General,  where  he  was 
examined.  Some  were  for  torturing  of  him  to  bring  him 
to  a  more  ample  confeffion,  of  what  he  knew  concerning 
his  Country-men.  Mr.  Church  verily  believing  he  had 
been  ingenious  in  his  confeffion,  interceeded  and  prevailed 
for  his  efcaping  torture.  But  the  Army  being  bound  for- 
ward in  their  March,  and  the  Indians  wound  fomewhat 
difinabling  him  for  Travelling,  'twas  concluded  he  fhould 
be  knock'd  on  the  Head:  Accordingly  he  was  brought 
before  a  great  fire,  and  the  Moohegan  that  took  him  was 
allowed,  as  he  defired,  to  be  the  Executiner.  Mr.  Church 
taking  no  delight  [18]  in  the  Sport,  fram'd  an  arrant  at 
fome  diftance  among  the  baggage  Horfes,  and  when  he 
had  got  fome  Ten  Rods,  or  thereabouts  from  the  fire,  the 
Executioner  fetching  a  blow  with  his  Hatchet  at  the  head 
of  the  Prifoner,  he  being  aware  of  the  blow,  dodged  his 
afide,  and  the  Executioner  miffing  his  ftroke  the  Hatchet 
flew  out  of  his  hand,  and  had  like  to  have  done  execution 
where  'twas  not  defign'd.  The  Prifoner  upon  his  narrow 
efcape  broke  from  them  that  held  him,  and  notwithftand- 
ing  his  Wound  made  ufe  of  his  Legs,  and  hap'd  to  run 

right  upon  Mr.  Church,  who  laid  hold  on  him,  and  a  clofe 

62 


[  i8  ] 

skuffle  they  had,  but  the  Indian  having  no  Clothes  on 
flip'd  from  him,  and  ran  again,  and  Mr.  Church  purfued 
the  Indian,  altho'  being  Lame,  there  was  no  great  odds  in 
the  Race,  until  the  Indian  ftumbled  and  fell,  and  they 
clofed  again,  skuffled  and  fought  pretty  fmartly,  until  the 
Indian  by  the  advantage  of  his  nakednefs  flip'd  from  his 
hold  again,  and  fet  out  on  his  third  Race,  with  Mr.  Church 
clofe  at  his  heels,  endeavouring  to  lay  hold  on  the  hair  of 
his  Head,  which  was  all  the  hold  could  be  taken  of  him; 
and  running  thro'  a  Swamp  that  was  covered  with  hollow 
Ice,  it  made  fo  loud  a  noife  that  Mr.  Church  expected  (but 
in  vain)  that  fome  of  his  Englifli  friends  would  follow  the 
noife,  and  come  to  his  affiftance.  But  the  Indian  hap'd  to 
run  a-thwart  a  mighty  Tree  that  lay  fallen  near  breaft- 
high,  where  he  ftop'd  and  cry'd  out  a  loud  for  help;  but 
Mr.  Church  being  foon  upon  him  again,  the  Indian  feized 
him  faft  by  the  hair  of  his  Head,  and  endeavouring  by 
twilling  to  break  his  Neck;  but  tho'  Mr.  Churches  wounds 
had  fome-what  weakned  him,  and  the  Indian  a  ftout  fel- 
low, yet  he  held  him  well  in  play,  and  twilled  the  Indians 
Neck  as  well,  and  took  the  advantage  of  many  opportu- 
nities, while  they  hung  by  each  others  hair  gave  him 
notorious  bunts  in  the  face  with  his  head.  But  in  the  heat 
of  this  skuffle  they  heard  the  Ice  break  with  fome  bodies 
coming  a-pace  to  them,  which  when  they  heard,  Church 
concluded  there  was  help  for  one  or  other  of  them,  but 
was  doubtful  which  of  them  mull  now  receive  the  fatal 
ftroke;  anon  fome  body  comes  up  to  them,  who  prov'd  to 

63 


[  19] 

be  the  Indian  that  had  firft.  taken  the  Prifoner.  Without 
fpeaking  a  word,  he  felt  them  out  (for  'twas  fodark  he 
could  not  diftinguifh  them  by  fight)  the  one  being  clothed, 
and  the  other  naked,  he  felt  where  Mr.  Churches  hands 
were  farmed  in  the  Netops143  hair,  and  with  one  blow  fet- 
tled his  Hatchet  in  between  them,  and  ended  the  ftrife. 
He  then  fpoke  to  Mr.  Church  and  hugg'd  him  in  his 
Arms,  and  thank'd  him  abundantly  for  catching  his  Prif- 
oner; and  cut  off  the  head  of  his  Victim,  and  carried  it  to 
the  Camp,  and  giving  an  account  to  the  reft  of  the  friend 
Indians  in  the  Camp,  how  Mr.  Church  had  feized  his  Prif- 
oner, &c.  they  all  joyn'd  a  mighty  fhout. 

Proceeding  in  this  March,  they  had  the  fuccefs  of  killing 
many  of  the  Enemy:  until  at  length  their  Provifion  failing, 
they  return'd  home.144 

King  Philip  (as  was  before  hinted)  was  fled  to  a  Place 
called  Scattacook,  [19]  between  York  and  Albany ',145  where 

143    Nctop    means    "friend";     (plu.)  for  a  Dutchman.     In   this  loofer  fenfe 

Nctompauog,  "  friends."     The  n'  is  the  it  is  ufed  here. 

pronoun  of  the  firft  perfon  ;  the  o  is  Ui  Hubbard  fays,  "our  Forces,  having 
nafal.  Eliot  writes  netomf,  as  (Matt.  purfued  them  into  the  woods  between 
xxvi :  50)  netomp,  tohxvuchpeyauan  f  Marlberough  and  Brookjicld  in  the 
"Friend,  why  art  thou  come  hither?"  Road  toward  Con?ieclicut,  were  con- 
The  general  ufe  of  the  word  by  the  ftrained  to  turn  down  to  B  oft  on,  in  the 
Englifh  was  to  defignate  a  friendly  beginning  o{  February,  for  want  of  pro- 
Indian,  an  ally.  From  its  conftant  em-  vifion,  both  for  themfelves  and  their 
ployment  (Roger  Williams,  [Key,  chap,  horfes."  Mather  fays,  "  So  then,  Febru- 
1,  R.-I.  WJl.  Coll.  i:  27]  fays  "What  ary  5,  the  Army  returned  to  Bofton, 
cheere,  NetopV  is  the  general  falutation  not  having  obtained  the  end  of  their 
of  all  Engliih  to  the  Indians)  in  addrefs,  going  forth."  [Narrative,  60;  Brief 
Nctop  came  to  be  ufed  as  an  appellative  IHft-  22.] 

for  any  Indian  man,  juft  as  Mon/teur  14°  Sckaghticoke  is  on  the  Hoofic  and 

for  a  Frenchman,  or  Hans  or  Mynheer  Iludfon    Rivers,   12    miles    from   Troy. 

64 


[  19] 


the  Moofiags™  made  a  defcent  upon  him  and  killed  many 
of  his  Men,  which  moved  him  from  thence. 

His  next  kennelling  Place  was  at  the  falls  of  Connecti- 
cut River,147  where  fometime  after  Capt.  Turner™  found 
him,  came  upon  him  by  Night,  kill'd  him  a  great  many 


The  Pincheon  papers  fay  "  the  Scata- 
kook  or  River  Indians,  moil  of  them, 
were  fugitives  from  New  England  in 
the  time  of  Philip's  war."  [2  Mafs. 
Hijl.  Coll.  viii :  244.] 

146  Increafe  Mather  fays,  "  We  hear 
that  Philip  being  this  winter  enter- 
tained in  the  Mohawks  Country,  Made 
it  his  defign  to  breed  a  quarrel  between 
the  Englijk  and  them  ;  to  effedt  which, 
divers  of  our  returned  Captives  do  re- 
port that  he  refolved  to  kill  fome  fcat- 
tering  Mohawks,  &  then  to  fay  that 
the  EngliJJi  had  done  it;  but  one  of 
thofe  whom  he  thought  to  have  killed 
was  only  wounded,  and  got  away  to 
his  Country  men,  giving  them  to  undcr- 
ftand  that  not  the  EngliJJi  but  Philip 
had  killed  the  Men  that  were  Murdered, 
fo  that  inftead  of  bringing  the  Mohazvks 
upon  the  EngliJJi,  he  brought  them  upon 
himfelf."  Judd  fays  this  "  does  not 
deferve  the  lean:  credit."  [Brief  Hif 
tory,  38;  Hijl.  Hadley,  182.] 

147  The  great  falls  in  the  Connecticut 
River,  near  where  the  towns  of  Mon- 
tague, Gill,  and  Greenfield  meet,  which 
Dr.  Hitchcock  thought  the  fineft  in 
New  England.  Unable  to  plant  as 
ufual,  the  Indians  were  driven  to  avail 
themfelves  more  of  fiih ;  and  no  fpot  in 
the  country  offered  fuch  ihad-fifhing  as 
this.  [  Geology  oj  Mafs.  275;  Hoyt's 
Antiq.  Refearches,  127.] 

9  65 


148  William  Turner,  of  Dartmouth, 
Eng.,  then  of  Dorchefter,  1642,  free- 
man, 10  May,  1643,  removed  to  Bof- 
ton,  was  "  by  trade  a  tailor,"  and  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  firft  Bap- 
tift  Church  in  1665.  Early  in  Phil- 
ip's war,  "  he  gathered  a  company  of 
volunteers,  but  was  denied  a  commif- 
fion,  and  difcouraged  becaufe  the  chief 
of  the  company  were  Anabaptifts.  After- 
wards, when  the  war  grew  more  general 
and  diftructive,  and  the  country  in  very 
great  diftrefs,  having  divers  towns 
burnt,  and  many  men  flain,  then  he 
was  defired  to  accept  a  com  million. 
He  complained  it  was  too  late,  his  men 
on  whom  he  could  confide  being  Scat- 
tered ;  however  was  moved  to  accept." 
He  marched  "  as  Captain,  under  Maj. 
Savage  as  chief  commander,  "  to  relieve 
the  weftern  towns.  19  May,  1676,  with 
180  men,  he  furprifed  the  Indians  at 
thefe  falls  and  killed  from  130  to  1S0, 
but  on  his  return  was  killed,  with  38  of 
his  men.  He  married  Mary,  widow 
of  Key  Alfop;  though  he  feems  to  have 
had  another  wife  —  perhaps  named 
Frances.  His  will,  dated  10  Feb.,  1676, 
mentions  children.  [Savage's  Gen. 
Did.  iv  :  348 ;  Backus's  Hijl.  New  Eng. 
i :  423  ;  Hoyt's  Antiq.  Refearches,  12S. 
Holland's  Hijl.  Wcjlern  Mafs.  i:  121; 
Judd's  Hijl.  Hadley,  163,  171 ;  Bene- 
dict's Hijl.  Bap/,  i  :  384.] 


[  19] 


Men,  and   frighted  many  more  into  the  River,  that  were 
hurl'd  down  the  falls  and  drowned. 

Philip  got  over  the  River,  and  on  the  back  fide  of  the 
Wetufet- hills 149  meets  with  all  the  Remnants  of  the  Nar- 
raganfet  and  Nipmuck  Indians,  that  were  there  gathered 
together,  and  became  very  numerous;  and  made  their 
defcent  on  Sudbury,  and  the  Adjacent  Parts  of  the  Coun- 
try, where  they  met  with  and  fwallowed  up  Valiant  Capt. 
Wad/worth™  and  his  Company,  and  many  other  doleful 
defolations,  in  thofe  Parts.151  The  News  whereof  coming 
to  Plymouth,  and  they  expecting  probably  the  Enemy 
would  foon  return  again  into  their  Colony:  The  Council 
of  War  were  called  together;152  and  Mr.  Church  was  fent 


149  Wachufett  (WatchoJJucJt)  Moun- 
tain in  Princeton,  Mafs.  The  word 
means  "  [the  country]  about  the  moun- 
tain." 

150  Samuel  Wadfivorth,  youngeft  fon 
of  Chriftopher,  of  Duxbury,  was  born 
about  1630;  was  freeman  166S;  mar- 
ried Abigail,  dau.  of  James  Lindall  of 
Marihfield,  and  was  father  of  Benjamin, 
Minifter  of  the  Firft  Church,  Bofton,  and 
ninth  Prefident  of  Harvard  College;  he 
was  the  firft  Captain  of  militia  in  Mil- 
ton, was  diftinguilhed  in  Philip's  war, 
and  was  cut  off,  with  his  Lieut,  and 
"  about  thirty"  of  his  men,  in  this  Sud- 
bury fight.  The  portion  of  Sudbury 
which  was  attacked  is  now  Wayland. 
See  the  New-England  Hijl.  and  Gen. 
Regifter,  vii :  221,  and  Iludfon's  Hijl. 
Marlborough,  75,  for  a  difcuffion  of  the 
true  date  of  this  ftruggle.  [Savage's 
Gen.  Did.  iv  :  3S0.] 


151  Col.  Church  was  here  obvioufly 
confufed  in  his  order  of  remembrance  of 
events  which  had  become  diftant  when 
he  dictated  this  narrative.  The  attack 
on  Sudbury  took  place,  and  Capt.  Wadf- 
worth  and  his  company  were  "  fwal- 
lowed up"  on  the  21ft  of  April,  1676, 
nearly  a  month  before  the  Falls  fight, 
while  the  Plymouth  Council  of  War  — 
which,  by  what  follows,  affembled  be- 
fore Rehoboth  fell,  on  the  26th  and  2Sth 
March,  of  the  fame  year  —  mull  have 
been  called  together  more  than  a  month 
before  the  Sudbury  maffacre.  The  tid- 
ings which  alarmed  the  Colonifts  and 
convoked  the  Council,  muft  evidently 
have  been  thofe  of  the  furprife  of  Lan- 
cafter  on  the  10th,  and  of  the  burning  of 
Medfield  on  the  21ft  of  February. 

152  gy  the  recordSj  it  appears  that  the 
Plymouth  Council  of  War  met  on  the 
29th  Feb.  and  the  7th  and  10th  March. 


66 


[  "9  ] 

for  to  them,  being  o.bferved  by  the  whole  Colony  to  be  a 
Perfon  extraordinarily  qualify'd  for  and  adapted  to  the 
Affairs  of  War.  Twas  propofed  in  Council  that  leaft  the 
Enemy  in  their  return  fhould'  fall  on  Rehoboth,  or  fome 
other  of  their  Out-Towns,  a  Company  confuting  of  60  or 
70  Men  fhould  be  fent  in  to  thofe  Parts;  and  Mr.  Church 
invited  to  take  the  Command  of  them.  He  told  them, 
That  if  the  Enemy  returned  into  that  Colo7iy  again,  they 
might  reafonably  exftccl  that  they  would  come  very  numerous  ; 
and  that  if  hefliould  take  the  Command  of  Men,  hefJwuld  not 
lye  in  any  Town  or  Garrifon  with  them,  but  would  lye  in  the 
Woods  as  the  Enemy  did'.  And  that  to  fend  oiit  fuch  fmall 
Companies  againfl  fuch  Multitudes  of  the  Enemy  that  were 
now  Muflered  together,  would  be  but  to  deliver  fo  many  Men 
i7ito  their  hands,  to  be  dcftroyed,  as  the  Worthy  Capt.  Wadf- 
worth  and  his  Company  were.  His  advice  upon  the  whole 
was,  That  if  they  fent  out  any  Forces,  to  fend  not  lefs 
than  300  Souldiers;  and  that  the  other  Colonies  mould  be 
ask'd  to  fend  out  their  Quota's  alfo;  adding,  That  if  they 
intended  to  make  an  end  of  the  War,  by  fubduing  the  En- 

The  meeting  of  the  29th  Feb.  was  at  Michael  Pierce  and  Lieut.  Samuell  Ful- 

Maiihfield,  and  would  appear  to  be  that  ler.     Had  it  been  already  determined  by 

of  which    Church    here    fpeaks.       My  the  Council  to  fend  out  friend  Indians, 

reafon  for  fixing  upon  that  of  this  date  they  would  hardly  have  "  thought  it  no 

is,  that  this  is  the  neareft  date  to  the  wayes  advifable,"  as  Church  fays  they 

Medfield   alarm,   and  that  one  conclu-  did  when  he  talked  with  them.      It  is 

fion   at  which  this  feflion  arrived  was  more  likely  that  his  arguments  on  this 

to  order  "  20  or  30  of  the  Southern  In-  occafion  led  them  to  change  their  form- 

dians  "    to    go    forth    "  with    the    other  er  policy  in  that  refpeel:,  and  pafs  this 

(i.e.  white   Colonifts)  whoe  are  under  vote  before  they  fcparated.    \_Plym.  Col. 

prelfe"  under  the  command   of  Capt.  lice,  v  :   187.] 

67 


[  19] 


emy,  they  mufl  make  a  bujinefs  of  the  War,  as  the  Enemy 
did ;  and  that  for  his  own  part,  he  had  wholly  laid  afide  all 
his  own  private  bufinefs  and  concerns,  ever  fine e  the  War 
broke  out.  He  told  them,  That  if  they  would  fend  forth 
fuck  Forces  as  he  fwuld  direel  to,  he  would  go  with  them  for 
Six  weeks  March,  which  was  long  enough  for  Men  to  be  kept 
in  the  Woods  at  once  ;  and  if  they  might  be  fure  of  Liberty 
to  return  in  fuck  a  fpace,  Men  would  go  out  chearfully. 
And  he  would  engage  150  of  the  befl  Souldiers  fJwuld  imme- 
diately Lift  Voluntarily  to  go  with  him,  if  they  would p leaf e 
to  add  50  more',  and  100  of  the  Friend  Indians ;  and  with 
fiich  an  Army  he  made  no  doubt  but  he  might  do  good  Ser- 
vice ;  but  on  other  terms  he  did  not  incline  to  be  concern' 'd. 

Their  reply  was,  That  they  were  already  in  debt,  and  fo 
big  an  Army  would  bring  fuch  charge  upon  them,  that 
they  mould  never  be  able  to  pay.153     And  as  for  fending 


153  The  Council,  at  its  ioth  March 
feffion,  affigned  lands  at  Skotvamett 
(Warwick,  R.-I.)  to  the  fuppofed  value 
of  £500,  at  AJfonett  neck  (Freetown) 
to  the  value  of  £200,  at  AJfaxvamffctt 
(around  the  pond  in  Middleborough) 
to  the  value  of  £200,  and  about  Aga- 
ivam  and  Sepeca.71  (in  Wareham,  and 
what  is  now  Marion)  to  the  value  of 
£100,  to  be  divided  to  the  foldiers  ;  "  noe 
•way  att  p'Jcnt  aftfeeritig  to  raifc  motl- 
eys." They,  at  the  fame  time,  further 
laid  a  rate  of  £1000.  upon  the  eleven 
towns  of  the  Colony,  "to  be  payed  in 
clothing,  provifions,  or  cattle,  att  mony 
prife ;  an  indifferent  good,  ordinary 
cow   being   to  be  vallued  at  455.   and 


other  cattle  according  to  that  propor- 
tion, for  the  payment  of  fuch  of  the 
fouldiers  whofe  needy  condition  may 
call  for  other  fupplyes  more  fuitable 
for  their  families  then  lands,"  &c.  The 
following  lift  of  the  proportions  of  the 
feveral  towns  in  this  rate  has  intereft 
as  indicating  their  then  relative  fize. 
I  add  their  feveral  proportions  of  a 
"  preffe  "  of  300  men,  on  the  29th  March 
following. 

£        s.        d.  Men. 

Plymouth    .  .  .     99 :  03 :  06  .  .  30 

Duxbury     .  .  .     46:  11  :  10  .  .  16 

Bridgewater  .  .     46:  11  :  10  .  .  16 

Scituate      .  .  .   165 :  09 :  00  .  .  50 

Taunton  .  .     92 :  13 :  06  .  .  30 


63 


[    20] 


out  Indians,  they  thought  it  no  wayes  advifable,  and  in 
fhort,  none  of  his  advice  practicable.      [20] 

Now  Mr.  Churches  Confort,  and  his  then  only  Son  were 
till  this  time  remaining  at  Duxborough,  and  his  fearing 
their  fafety  there  (unlefs  the  War  were  more  vigoroufly 
ingaged  in)  refolved  to  move  to  Rkode-IJland ;m  tho'  it 
was  much  oppofed  both  by  the  Government,  and  by  Rela- 
tions. But  at  length,  the  Governour  confidering  that  he 
might  be  no  lefs  Serviceable  by  being  on  that  fide  of  the 
Colony,  gave  his  permit,155  and  wifh'd  he  had  Twenty 
more  as  good  Men  to  fend  with  him. 

Then  preparing  for  his  Removal,  he  went  with  his  fmall 
Family  to  Plymouth  to  take  leave  of  their  Friends;  where 

fide,  to  prevent  any  invafion  from  the 
main.  [R.-I.HiJi.  Coll.  v.  165;  R.-I. 
Col.  Rcc.  ii :  535  ;  Arnold's  Hijl.  R.-I. 
i:  409.] 

155  The  Plymouth  Council  of  War,  at 
the  feffion  of  29  Feb.,  1675-6,  paffed 
an  order  that  "  whereas  great  damage 
and  prejudice  may  acrew,  &c.  all  the 
inhabitants  feated  in  this  gou'ment  mall 
and  doe  abide  in  each  towne  of  this  col- 
lonie  to  which  hee  belongs,  and  not  de- 
part the  fame  on  p'ill  of  forfeiting  the 
whole  p'fonall  eftate  of  each  one  that 
ihall  foe  doe  to  the  collonies  vfe,  except 
it  be  by  the  fpeciall  order  or  allowance 
of  the  Gou',  or  any  two  of  the  other  maj- 
eftrates,  &c."  This  was  to  prevent  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Colony  from  remov- 
ing for  prefent  fafety  to  places  from 
which  they  might  not  afterward  return  ; 
to  the  Colony's  detriment.  \Plym.  Col. 
Rcc.  v  :  1S5.] 
69 


£ 

s. 

d. 

Men. 

Sandwich    .     . 

.       92 

13 

06       . 

28 

Yarmouth  .     . 

•     74 

15 

06       . 

26 

Barnftable  .     . 

•    99 : 

03 

06       . 

30 

Marlhfield  .     . 

•     75  = 

08 

OO       . 

26 

Rehoboth    .     . 

•  136: 

!9 

OO       . 

30 

Eaftham      .     . 

.     66 

16 

06       . 
Hcrl-itlv  1 

18 

in  foldiers  on  account  of  the  loffes 
which  it  had  met  with,  after  this  affeff- 
ment  of  money  and  before  the  "  prefie" 
for  men.  [Plym.  Col.  Rcc.  v  :  191-3-] 
154  At  firft  glance  it  feems  ftrange  to 
think  of  removing  from  the  very  heart 
of  the  old  fettlements  to  a  port  then  fur- 
rounded  by  hoftile  Indians,  for  greater 
fafety.  But  it  muft  be  remembered  that 
the  infular  pofition  of  Rhode -Illand 
rendered  it  comparatively  fecure ;  in 
addition  to  which  that  Colony  employed 
four  row-boats  (Arnold  fays  Jloofis),  to 
be  conftantly  on  the  lookout,  on  every 


[  *>] 

they  met  with  his  Wives  Parents,  who  much  perfwaded 
that  She  might  be  left  at  Mr.  Clarks  Garrifon,156  (which 
they  fuppofed  to  be  a  mighty  fafe  Place)  or  at  leaft  that 
She  might  be  there  until  her  foon  expected  lying-inn  was 
over  (being  near  her  time.)  Mr.  Church  no  ways  inclin- 
ing to  venture  her  any  longer  in  thofe  Parts,  and  no  argu- 
ments prevailing  with  him,  he  refolutely  fet  out  for 
Taunton,  and  many  of  their  Friends  accompanyed  them. 
There  they  found  Capt.  Peirce}hl  with  a  commanded 
Party,  who  offered  Mr.  Church  to  fend  a  Relation  of  his 
with  fome  others  to  guard  him  to  Rhode-IJland.  But  Mr. 
Church  thank'd  him  for  his  Refpectful  offer,  but  for  fome 
good  reafons  refus'd  to  accept  it.     In  fhort,  they  got  fafe 


150  Clark's  Garrifon  was  fituated 
about  three  miles  fouth-eaft  from  the 
village  of  Plymouth,  on  the  weft  bank 
of  the  Eel  River,  almoft  againft  the 
point  of  junction  of  Plymouth  Beach 
with  the  main  land,  and,  perhaps  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  inland  from  that 
junction ;  very  near  to  the  fite  of  the 
houfe  for  many  years  occupied  by  the 
late  Rev.  B.  Whitmore.  It  was  de- 
ftroyed  on  Sunday,  12  March,  1676; 
"  Miftris  Sarah  Clarke"  and  ten  other 
perfons  being  killed.  The  outrage  was 
committed  by  Tatofon  and  ten  other 
Indians,  of  whom  five  were  brought  in 
and  executed  at  Plymouth.  \Plym. 
Col.  Rec.  v :  204-6.]  This  was  the 
only  ferious  attack  made  on  Plymouth 
by  the  natives. 

157  Capt.  Michael  Pierce  was  at  Hing- 
ham  in  1646 ;   in  1647  purchafed  lands 


in  the  ConihafTet  grant  (Scituate) ; 
was  in  the  Narraganfett  fight,  previous 
to  which,  he  made  his  will,  beginning 
thus  :  "  Being,  by  the  appointment  of 
God,  going  out  to  war  againft  the  In- 
dians, I  do  ordain  this  my  laft  will,  &c."  ; 
was  put  in  command,  early  in  1676,  of 
63  Englilhmen  and  20  friendly  Indians. 
They  were  to  rendezvous  at  Plymouth, 
on  Wednefday,  the  8th  March,  and 
probablj-  reached  Taunton  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  next  day,  March  9th,  where 
Mr.  Church  now  found  him.  On  the 
26th  of  the  fame  month  he  was  killed, 
with  51  of  his  Englilh,  and  11  of  his 
Indian  soldiers,  at  Rehoboth,  by  an 
overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy. 
He  had  had  two  wives,  and  ten  chil- 
dren. [Deane's  Hijl.  Scit.  325 ;  Plym. 
Col.  Rec.  v:  iS7;  Blifs's  Hijl.  Rc/10- 
bot/i,  91.] 


70 


[    20    ] 

to  Capt.  John  Almy's  houfe158  upon  Rhodc-ffland,  where 
they  met  with  friends  and  good  entertainment.  But  by 
the  way,  let  me  not  forget  this  remarkable  Providence. 
viz.  That  within  Twenty-four  hours,  or  there  abouts,159 
after  their  arrival  at  Rhode- I/land,  Mr.  Clarks  Garrifon 
that  Mr.  Church  was  fo  much  importuned  to  leave  his 
Wife  and  Child  at,  was  deftroyed  by  the  Enemy. 

Mr.  Church  being  at  prefent  difinabled  from  any  par- 
ticular Service  in  the  War,  began  to  think  of  fome  other 
employ;  but  he  no  fooner  took  a  tool  to  cut  a  fmall  ftick, 
but  he  cut  off  the  top  of  his  Fore  finger,  and  the  next  to  it, 
half  off;  upon  which  he  fmillingly  faid,  That  he  thought 
he  was  out  of  his  way,  to  leave  the  War;  and  refolved  he 
would  to  War  again.  Accordingly  his  Second  Son160 
being  born  on  the  12th  of  May  and  his  Wife  &  Son  like  to 
do  well,  Mr.  Church  imbraces  the  opportunity  of  a  paffage 

158  See  note  4,  ante.  After  confider-  what  was  called  Fogland,  or  Codman's 
able  refearch,  I  had  failed  to  fecure  ferry,  and  at  that  time  kept  a  houfe  of 
proof  fixing  the  fpot  of  Capt.  Almy's  entertainment,  &c."  This  endorfes  my 
refidence,  but  from  all  the  probabilities  fuppofition,  as  Fogland  ferry  connects 
of  the  cafe  had  decided  that  he  muft  Punkatees  neck  with  Portfmouth,  mid- 
have  lived  on  the  eaftern  fhore  of  way  between  the  points  above  named. 
Portfmouth,  R.-L,  fomewhere  between  (See  notes  86  and  91,  ante.) 
M'Carry's  Point  on  the  north  and  159  This  fettles  the  date  of  this  arri- 
Sandy  Point  on  the  fouth,  oppofite  val  as  11-13  March,  1676.  Probably 
Punkatees  neck.  I  have  now,  by  the  Church  left  Plymouth  with  his  family 
kindnefs  of  Judge  W.  R.  Staples,  re-  on  Wednefday  or  Thurfday,  the  8th  or 
ceived,  from  Mr.  Richard  Sherman,  9th,  and  reached  Almy's  on  Saturday, 
who  was  Town  Clerk  of  Portfmouth  for  the  nth,  the  day  before  Clark's  Garri- 
nearly  half  a  century,  a  note  in  which  fon  was  burned. 

he  fays  :    "  I   have   been    informed    by  16°  Conjlant,  who  became   a  Captain 

old    perfons    now   deceafed,    that    one  under  his  father  in  fome  of  his  later 

Capt.  John  Almy  lived  in  a  houfe  near  expeditions. 

7i 


[  21  ] 

in  a  Sloop  bound  to  Barnjlable',  who  landed  him  at  SogJco- 
neffet}*1  from  whence  he  rid  to  Plymouth',  arrived  there  on 
the  firft  Tuefday  in  y?me:1Q2  The  General  Court  then  fit- 
ting,163 welcomed  him,  told  him  they  were  glad  to  fee  him 
Alive.  He  reply'd,  He  was  as  glad  to  fee  them  Alive,  for 
he  had  feen  fo  many  fires  and  fmokes  towards  their  fide  of 
the  Country  fince  he  left  them,  that  he  could  fcarce  eat  or 
fleep  with  any  comfort,  for  fear  they  had  been  all  deftroyed. 
For  all  Travelling  was  ftop'd,  and  no  News  had  paired  for 
a  long  time  together.  He  gave  them  account,  that  the 
Indians  had  made  horrid  defolations  at  Providence,  War- 
wick, Petuxit,  and  all  over  the  Narraganfet  Country,164  & 
that  they  prevailed  daily  againft  the  EngliJJi  on  that  fide  of 
the  Country.  Told  them,  he  long'cl  to  hear  what  Methods 
they  defign'd  in  the  War.  [21]  They  told  him,  They 
were  particularly  glad  that  Providence  had  brought  him 
there  at  that  juncture:  For  they  had  concluded  the  very 
next  day  to  fend  out  an  Army  of  200  Men,  two  third 
EngliJJi,  and  one  third  Indians,  in  fome  meafure  agreeable 
to  his  former  propofal;   expecting  Bojlon  and  Connecticut 

161  Sogko7ieJfet  {Sachoncjit,  Sugkoncs,  103  The  "  Court  of  Election  "  met  at 

Succonejit,   Succonneffet,   &c.~)   was   the  Plymouth,  on  Monday,  5  June,   1676. 

general  name  applied  to  the  townfhip  VA    Warwick,   R.-L,    was   burned    17 

of  Falmouth,  Mafs.,  in  the  early  rec-  March  (fo  Hubbard,  66;   Mather,   24; 

ords.    The  word  appears  to  be  a  dimin-  Palfrey's  Hiji.  N.  E.  iii :  iSS;  but  Ar- 

utiye    from     Sogkonafe.      The    harbor  nold,  i :   40S,  fays  March  16,  quoting  no 

where  Church  landed  was  what  is  now  authority.)  ;    Seekonk,    or    Pawtucket, 

known   as  Wood's   Hole  in  Falmouth.  March    28th,    and    Proyidence,    March 

This  would  then  be  diftant  probably  35  30th.      [See    Davis's   MortoiCs   Memo- 

miles  from  Plymouth.  rial,  43S;  R.-I.  HiJl.  Coll.  v:  166.] 

168  6  June,  1676. 

72 


[ « ] 

to  joyn  with  their  Quota's.165  In  fhort,  It  was  fo  con- 
cluded. And  that  Mr.  Church  fhould  return  to  the  Ifland, 
and  fee  what  he  could  Mutter  there,  of  thofe  that  had 
mov'd  from  Swanzey,  Dartmouth,  &c.166  So  returning  the 
fame  way  he  came;  when  he  came  to  Sogkoucjfet,  he  had 
a  fham  put  upon  him,  about  a  Boat  he  had  bought  to  go 
home  in;  and  was  forced  to  hire  two  of  the  friend  Indians 
to  paddle  him  in  a  Canoo  from  Elfabeths™  to  Rhode- 
I/land. 

It  fell  out  that  as  they  were  in  their  Voyage  palling  by 
Sogkonate-point™   fome    of   the    Enemy   were    upon    the 


105  The  vote  was  thus:  "Vpon  con- 
federation of  the  neflefitie  of  fending 
forth  fome  forces,  to  be,  by  the  healp 
of  God,  a  meanes  of  our  fafety  and 
prefervation,  the  Court  came  to  a  con- 
clusion and  doe  heerby  voate,  that  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Englifh,  and  fifty  In- 
dians, be  with  the  beft  fpeed  that  may 
be  raifed  and  provided  and  fent  forth 
towards  the  frontiere  p'tes  of  this  collo- 
nie,  to  be  vpon  motion  to  fcout  to  and 
frow  for  the  fafty  of  the  collonie ;  the 
time  appointed  of  fending  forth  is  on 
Weddenfday,  the  21ft  of  this  inftant 
June,     1676."        [Rlym.     Col.    Rcc.    v  : 

*97-J 

ieu  The  General  Affembly  of  R.-I. 
voted,  13  March,  1675-6 :  "  Wee  finde 
this  Collony  is  not  of  ability  to  main- 
taine  fufficient  garrifons  for  the  fecurity 
of  our  out  Plantations.  Therefore,  we 
thinke  and  judge  it  molt  fafe  for  the 
inhabitants  to  repaire  to  this  Ifland, 
which  is  the  molt  fecureift."     Some  of 

10  73 


thofe  Plymouth  Colonifts  who  refided 
near,  feem  to  have  availed  themfelves 
of  this  fuggeftion,  and  taken  refuge  on 
the  Ifland.     [R.-I.  Col.  Rcc.  ii :  533.] 

107  The  Elizabeth  Iflands,  with  very 
narrow  channels  between  them,  ftretch 
fouth-weft  from  Falmouth  nearly  Seven- 
teen miles;  dividing  Buzzard's  Bay 
above  them  from  Vineyard  Sound  be- 
low them.  The  diftance  from  Fal- 
mouth to  Rhode-Ifland,  following  the 
fouthern  lhore  of  thefe  iflands,  then 
bearing  away  for  Saconet  Point,  and 
round  that  ftraight  to  the  neareft  point 
of  Rhode-Ifland,  is  about  35  miles. 

108  Saconet  Point  is  the  fartheft 
fouth-weftern  extremity  of  Little  Comp- 
ton,  R.-I.  The  rocks  on  which  thefe 
Indians  were  fifliing  were,  moft  likely, 
thofe  of  the  ledge  known  as  "  Onion 
rock,"  a  few  feet  off  from  the  Point ; 
now  acceflible  at  low  water,  and  then, 
doubtlefs,  joined  to  the  main  by  a  fand- 
hill  fince  worn  away.      A  canoe,  pad- 


[  21  ] 


Rocks  a  fifhing;  he  bid  the  Indians  that  managed  the 
Canoo  to  paddle  fo  near  to  the  Rocks  as  that  he  might  call 
to  thofe  Indians',  told  them,  That  he  had  a  great  mind 
ever  fince  the  War  broke  out  to  fpeak  with  fome  of  the 
Sogkonate  Indians,  and  that  they  were  their  Relations,  and 
therefore  they  need  not  fear  their  hurting  of  them.  And 
he  added,  That  he  had  a  mighty  conceit  that  if  he  could  gain 
a  fair  Opporttmity  to  difcourfe  them,  that  he  cotild  draw 
them  off  from  Philip,  for  he  knew  they  never  heartily  loved 
him.  The  Enemy  hollowed  and  made  ligns  for  the  Canoo 
to  come  to  them:  But  when  they  approach'd  them  they 
skulked  and  hid  in  the  clifts  of  the  Rocks;  then  Mr- 
Church  ordered  the  Canoo  to  be  paddled  off  again,  leaft  if 
he  came  too  near  they  mould  fire  upon  him.  Then  the 
Indians  appearing  again,  beckn'd  and  call'd  in  the  Indian 
Language,  and  bid  them  come  a-fhore,  they  wanted  to 
fpeak  with  them.  The  Indians  in  the  Canoo  anfwered 
them  again;   but  they  on  the  Rocks  told  them,  That  the 

dling  for  Rhode-Ifland  from  the  Vine-  localities,  has  made  fome  curious  blun- 

yard   Sound,  in  fmooth  water  (and  it  ders  in  his  verfion  of  this  occurrence, 

could  make  the  paffage  in  no  other),  He  fays :    "  It   hapened   that   the    faid 

would  head  from  the  fouth-weftern  ex-  Capt.  Church,  fome  time  in  June  laft, 

tremity  of  Cuttyhunk  obliquely  acrofs  viz.  of  this  prefent  year,  1676,  parting 

the  entrance  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  ftraight  over  in  a  Canoo  from  Pocajfct  to  Road- 

toward  Saconet  Point,  and  in  rounding  I/land,    as    he    ufed    frequently   to    do 

that  Point  would  go  infide  of  both  Eaft  (having  had   much   imployment   upon 

and  Weft  iflands  into  the  "Eaft  Paf-  the  faid  Neck  of  Land,  fo  called)  feveral 

fage."     This  would  bring  it,  inevitably,  Indians  whom  he  had  known  before  at 

within  a  ihort  diftance  of  the  rocks  here  Lakenkam  (a  village  on  Pocajfet  Jide) 

defcribed.        Many     tautog     are     ftill  beckned  to  him,  as  if  they  had  a  mind 

yearly  caught  from  them.  to  fpeak  with  him,  &c.  &c."     \Narra- 

Hubbard,  through  ignorance  of  the  tive,   104.] 

74 


[  21  ] 

furff  made  fuch  a  noife  againft  the  Rocks,  they  could  not 
hear  any  thing  they  faid.169  Then  Mr.  Church  by  ligns 
with  his  hands,  gave  to  underftand,  That  he  would  have 
two  of  them  go  down  upon  the  point  of  the  beach  (a  place 
where  a  Man  might  fee  who  was  near  him170)  accordingly 
two  of  them  ran  a-long  the  beach,  and  met  him  there; 
without  their  Arms,  excepting  that  one  of  them  had  a 
Lance  in  his  hand;  they  uged  Mr.  Church  to  come 
a-fhore  for  they  had  a  great  delire  to  have  fome  difcourfe 
with  him;  He  told  them,  if  he  that  had  his  weapon  in  his 
hand  would  carry  it  up  fome  diftance  upon  the  beach  and 
leave  it,  he  would  come  a-fhore  and  difcourfe  them:  He 
did  fo,  and  Mr.  Church  went  a-fhore,  hailed  up  his  Canoo, 
ordered  one  of  his  Indians  to  ftay  by  it,  and  the  other  to 
walk  above  on  the  beach,  as  a  Sentinel  to  fee  that  the 
Coafts  were  clear.  And  when  Mr.  Church  came  up  to 
the  Indians,  one  of  them  happened  to  be  honeft  George™ 
one  of  the  two  that  Awajhonks  formerly  fent  to  call  him  to 
her  Dance,  and  was  fo  careful  to  guard  him  back  to  his 
Houfe  again;  the  lafl  Sogkonate  India7i  he  fpoke  with 
before  the  War  broke  out;    he  fpoke  EngliJIi  very  well. 

109  This  is  ftill  the  cafe,  even  in  a  ily  occur  to  one  familiar  with  this  fpot 
calm  day  when  there  are  no  furface  as  now  fuitable  for  the  ufe  which 
waves  which  would  fwamp  a  canoe  ;  Church  here  propofed  ;  but  the  abrafion 
as  the  northward  ground-fwell  rolls  in  of  the  ftorms  of  almoft  200  years  has, 
here  without  obftruiition  from  the  broad  unquestionably,  fo  changed  all  the  con- 
Atlantic  through  the  opening  of  near  figuration  of  tbe  fand  fpits,  that  none  of 
fifty  miles,  between  Block  Ifland  and  them  now  remain  exactly  as  then,  though 
Martha's  Vineyard.  During  and  after  it  has  fcarcely  modified  the 'rocks  theni- 
a  ftorm,  the  furf  is  fublime.  felves. 

170  Two  or  three  "  points  "  will  read-  171  See  note  13,  ante. 

75 


[    M    ] 

[22]  Mr.  Church  asked  him  where  AwaJJwnks  was?  he  told 
him  in  a  Swamp  about  three  Miles  off.172  Mr.  Church  again 
asked  him,  What  it  was  he  wanted  that  he  hollowed  and 
called  him  a-fhore?  he  anfwered,  That  he  took  him  for 
Church  as  foon  as  he  heard  his  Voice  in  the  Canoo,  and 
that  he  was  very  glad  to  fee  him  alive,  and  he  believed 
his  Miftrifs  would  be  as  glad  to  fee  him,  and  fpeak  with 
him;  he  told  him  further,  That  he  believed  fhe  was  not 
fond  of  maintaining  a  War  with  the  EngliJJi\  and  that  fhe 
had  left  Philip,  and  did  not  intend  to  return  to  him  any 
more;  he  was  mighty  earneft  with  Mr.  Church  to  tarry 
there  while  he  would  run  and  call  her:  but  he  told  him 
no;  for  he  did  not  know  but  the  Indians  would  come 
down  and  kill  him  before  he  could  get  back  again;  he 
said,  if  Mount-hope  or  Pocajjfet  Indians  could  catch  him, 
he  believed  they  would  knock  him  on  the  head:  But  all 
Sogkonate  Indians  knew  him  very  well,  and  he  believed 
would  none  of  them  hurt  him.  In  Ihort,  Mr.  Church  re- 
futed then  to  tarry,  but  promifed  that  he  would  come  over 
again,  and  fpeak  with  AwaJJwnks,  and  fome  other  Indians 
that  he  had  a  mind  to  talk  with. 

Accordingly  he  appointed  him  to  notifie  AwaJJwnks,  her 


172  This  was  Tornfe  Swamp  (fo  called  Saconet  Point  to  Tiverton,  to  the  road 

in  the  Proprietors'  Records)  on  an  up-  from  the  Town  farm  to  the  Commons, 

land  mound  in  which,  the  favorite  head-  The  houfe  of  Mr.  Gray  Wilbor  is  prob- 

quarters  of  this  Squaw-fachem  feem  to  ably  now  the  neareft  dwelling  to  the 

have  been.     It  is  that  fwamp  through  lite  of  this  lair  of  Awaihonks.      I  am 

which  what  is  called  the  "fwamp  road"  told  that  an  old  Indian  burying-ground 

paffes,  in  crofiing  from  the  road    from  is  ftill  traceable  in  that  vicinity. 

76 


[  »*  ] 


Son  Peter,  their  Chief  Captain,  and  one  NompaJJi™  (an 
Indian  that  Mr.  Church  had  formerly  a  particular  refpeft 
for)  to  meet  him  two  dayes  after,  at  a  Rock  at  the  lower 
end  of  Capt.  Richmonds  Farm;  which  was  a  very  noted 
place;174  and  if  that  day  Ihould  prove  Stormy,  or  Windy, 
they  were  to  expe6l  him  the  next  moderate  day.175  Mr. 
Church  telling  George,  that  he  would  have  him  come  with 
the  Perfons  mentioned,  and  no  more.  They  giving  each 
other  their  hand  upon  it  parted,  and  Mr.  Church  went 
home,176  and  the  next  Morning  to  New-port,  and  informed 
the  Government,  what  had  paffed  between  him  and  the 
Sogkonate  Indians.  *  And  delired  their  permit  for  him  and 
Daniel  JVi/coch,111  (a  Man  that  well  underftood  the  Indian 


173  Nomfajk  (Niimpq/k,  Numfus, 
Numfias)  was  appointed  by  Plymouth 
Court,  i  Nov.,  1676,  with  Petananuet 
(note  23,  ante)  and  another  Indian,  to 
have  the  overnght  of  the  fubmitted  In- 
dians weft  of  Sippican  River;  and 
ferved  as  Captain  of  the  Saconet  In- 
dians in  the  firft  Expedition  to  the 
Eaftward,  in  1689.    \_Plym-  C  R.  v  :  215.] 

174:  John  Richmond  was  one  of  the 
original  proprietors  of  Little  Compton, 
and  drew  the  land  here  referred  to  in 
the  firft  divifion  by  lot,  10  April,  1674. 
It  is  the  farm  now  owned  by  William 
H.  Chafe,  and  next  north  of  that  of 
Jofeph  Brownell.  The  rock  is  ftill  in 
exiftence,  and  well  known  in  the  neigh- 
borhood as  "  Treaty  Rock."  It  is  a  dark 
fine-grained  gneifs,  lying,  like  an  em- 
bedded bowlder,  in  a  cultivated  field, 
and  evidently  a  good  deal  worn  down 
by  the  attritions  of  hufbandry  and  the 


vifits  of  the  curious.  It  is  faid  that  the 
Indians  ufed  to  leave  traces  on  it,  but 
few  if  any  of  them  are  now  diftinguifh- 
able.  The  rock  is  not  immediately  on 
the  more,  but  well  up  the  afcent  of  a 
beautiful  flope,  not  far  from  500  paces 
from  the  water's  edge,  and  fome  30 
paces  north  of  the  northern  boundary  of 
Mr.  Brownell's  land.  The  landing  oppo- 
site to  it  is,  perhaps,  a  half  mile  north  of 
what  is  now  known  as  Church's  Point. 

175  Probably  becaufe  crofting  in  a  ca- 
noe —  ihould  that  be  neceffary  —  would 
be  impoflible  in  a  day  windy  enough 
to  raife  even  the  moft  moderate  fvvell. 

176  That  is  to  Almy's  houfe,  near  the 
Portfmouth  landing  of  Fogland  ferry. 
(See  note  158,  ante.) 

177  Daniel  Wilcocks  would  feem  to 
be  a  fon  of  Daniel,  who  was  chofen  to 
the  "  grand  inqueft  "  at  Newport  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Portfmouth,  R.-L,  March 


77 


[ M  ] 

Language)  to  go  over  to  them.  They  told  him,  They 
thought  he  was  mad,  after  fuch  Service  as  he  had  done, 
and  fuch  dangers  that  he  efcaped,  now  to  throw  away  his 
Life,  for  the  Rogues  would  as  certainly  kill  him,  as  ever 
he  went  over;  and  utterly  refufed  to  grant  his  permit,  or 
to  be  willing  that  he  mould  run  the  rifque. 

Mr.  Church  told  them,  That  it  had  ever  been  in  his 
thoughts  Jince  the  War  broke  out,  that  if  he  could  difcourfe 
the  Sogkonate  Indians,  he  could  draw  them  off  from  Philip, 
and  employ  them  againfl  kirn ;  but  could,  till  now,  never 
have  an  Opportunity  to  fpeak  with  any  of  them,  and  was 
very  lothe  to  lofe  it,  &c.  At  length,  they  told  him,  If  he 
would  go,  it  mould  be  only  with  the  two  Indians  that 
came  with  him;178  but  they  would  give  him  no  permit 
under  their  hands.  He  took  his  leave  of  them,  Refolving 
to  profecute  his  defign;  they  told  him  they  were  forry  to 


13,  1643;   in  167S  had  £10  granted  him  who  complained  of  an  outrage  of  the 

on   account  of  a  lawfuit  from  Rhode-  Sheriff   of    Briftol    County,    at    Little 

Iiland,    by  Plymouth    Court;    in    1679  Compton,  in  1695;  whole  marriage  in 

became  one  of  the  purchafers  of  land  Rhode-Ifland,  with  Mary  Wordell,  was 

at  PocafTet;  in  16S6  (down  as  "  of  Pan-  declared  illegal,  23  March,  1696-7,  and 

kotecjl ")  was  bound  over  in  £500  to  an-  of   whom    Bellomont    complained,    in 

fwer  for  purchafing  land  of  an  Indian  1699,  as  having  been  convicted  of  high 

contrary  to  law;    and  in  1690  was  ob-  mifdemeanor  and  fined,  and  as  having 

fcurely  complained  of,  in  the  half-oblit-  made  his  efcape,  I  cannot  determine, 

erated  record,  as  making  a  "  tumultuous  Perfons  of  the  name  Hill  own  land  at 

opposition  "  to  Thomas  Hinckley's  tak-  Punkatees  neck  in  Tiverton,  R.-I.    \_R-- 

ing  poffeffion  of  a  grant  of  land  at  Sac-  /.    Col.  Rec.  i :   76;    ii :   307,  323,  393  ; 

onet.     Whether  he  was  the  fame  Daniel  Plym.   Col.  Rec.  v  :    261 ;    vi :   30,   202, 

Willcocks  who  married  Elizabeth  Cook,  245;   viii;   23.] 

of  Plymouth,  28  Nov.,  1661 ;  who  was  178    That  is,  who  paddled  him   from 

a  proprietor  at  Saconet,  10  Apr.,  1673  ;  Falmouth. 

78 


[  *3  ] 

fee  him  fo  Refolute,  nor  if  he  went  did  they  ever  expert  to 
fee  his  face  again. 

He  bought  a  Bottle  of  Rhum,  and  a  fmall  role  of  To- 
bacco, to  carry  with  him,  and  returned  to  his  Family. 
The  next  Morning,  being  the  day  ap [23] pointed  for  the 
Meeting,  he  prepared  two  light  Canoo's  for  the  delign,  and 
his  own  Man,  with  the  two  Indiajis  for  his  company.  He 
ufed  fuch  arguments  with  his  tender,  and  now  almoft 
broken  hearted  Wife,  from  the  experience  of  former  pre- 
fervations,  and  the  profpecl;  of  the  great  Service  he  might 
do,  might  it  pleafe  God  to  fucceed  his  delign,  &c.  that  he 
obtained  her  confent  to  his  attempt;  and  committing  her, 
his  Babes  and  himfelf  to  Heavens  protection.  He  fet  out, 
they  had  from  the  Shore  about  a  League  to  paddle;179 
drawing  near  the  place,  they  faw  the  Indians  fetting  on 
the  bank,  waiting  for  their  coming.  Mr.  Church  fent  one 
of  the  Indians  a-fhore  in  one  of  the  Canoo's  to  fee  whither 
it  were  the  fame  Indians  whom  he  had  appointed  to  meet 
him,  and  no  more;  and  if  fo  to  ftay  a-fhore  and  fend 
George  to  fetch  him.  Accordingly  George  came  and 
fetch'd  Mr.  Church  a-lhore,  while  the  other  Canoo  play'd 
off  to  fee  the  event,  and  to  carry  tydings  if  the  Indians 
mould  prove  falfe. 

Mr.  Church  alk'd  George  whether  AwaJJionks  and  the 
other  Indians  he  appointed  to  meet  him  were  there  ?     He 

179  It  is  juft  about  that  diftance  from  ante),  to  the  ihore  oppofite  Treaty 
"  Sandy  Point,"  juft  fouth  of  the  prob-  Rock;  the  courfe  being  very  nearly 
able  lite  of  Almy's  houfe  (fee  note  158,      S.E.  by  S. 

79 


[  n  ] 

anfwered  they  were.  He  then  afk'd  him,  If  there  were 
no  more  than  they  whom  he  appointed  to  be  there  ?  To 
which  he  would  give  him  no  direcl:  anfwer.  However  he 
went  a-fhore,  where  he  was  no  fooner  landed,  but  Awa- 

JJwnks  and  the  reft  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet  him  there, 
rofe  up  and  came  down  to  meet  him;  and  each  of  them 
fucceffively  gave  him  their  hands,  and  expreffed  them- 
felves  glad  to  fee  him,  and  gave  him  thanks  for  expoling 
himfelf  to  vifit  them.  They  walk'd  together  about  a  Gun- 
fhot  from  the  water  to  a  convenient  place  to  lit  down.180 
Where  at  once  a-rofe  up  a  great  body  of  Indians ;  who  had 
lain  hid  in  the  grafs,  (that  was  as  high  as  a  Mans  wafte) 
and  gathered  round  them,  till  they  had  clos'd  them  in; 
being  all  arm'd  with  Guns,  Spears,  Hatchets,  &c.  with 
their  hair  trim'd  and  faces  painted,  in  their  Warlike  ap- 
pearance. It  was  doubtlefs  fome-what  furprizing  to  our 
Gentleman  at  firft,  but  without  any  vilible  difcovery  of  it, 
after  a  fmall  lilent  paufe  on  each  fide,  He  fpoke  to  Awa- 

JhonkS)  and  told  her,  That  George  had  informed  him  thatJJie 
had  a  dcjire  to  fee  him,  and  difcourfe  abotit  making  peace 
with  the  Englifh.  She  anfwered,  Yes.  Then  faid  Mr. 
Church,  It  is  cujlomary  when  People  meet  to  treat  of  Peace 
to  lay  afide  their  Arms,  and  not  to  appear  in  ftich  Hoflile 

form  as  your  People  do  :  defired  of  her  that  if  they  might 
talk  about  Peace,  which  he  defired  they  might,  Her  men 
might  lay   afide   their  Arms,  and  appear  more  treatable. 

180  Doubtlefs  to  the  rock  itfelf,  which,      from    1200    to    1300    feet  —  from     the 
as  I  have  faid,  is  about  500  paces  —  or      beach. 

80 


[  »4] 

Upon  which  there  began  a  confiderable  noife  and  murmur 
among  them  in  their  own  Language.  Till  Awa/Jwnks 
ask'd  him,  What  Arms  they  mould  lay  down,  and  where  ? 
He  (perceiving  the  Indians  look'd  very  furly,  and  much 
difpleafed)  Replied,  Only  their  Guns  at  fome  f mall  diflance, 
for  formality  fake.  Upon  which  with  one  confent  they 
laid  alide  their  Guns,  and  came  and  fat  down. 

Mr.  Church  pulled  out  his  Callebafh181  and  asked 
Awaflwnks,  Whether  fJie  had  [24]  lived  fo  long  at  Wetu- 
fet,182  as  to  forget  to  drink  Occapechees;183  and  drinking  to 
her,  he  perceived  that  fhe  watch'd  him  very  diligently,  to 
fee  (as  he  thought)  whether  he  fwallowed  any  of  the 
Rhum;  he  offered  her  the  Shell,  but  fhe  defired  him  to 
drink  again  firft,  He  then  told  her,  There  was  no  poifon  in 
it,  and  pouring  fome  into  the  Palm  of  his  hand,  fup'd  it 
up,  and  took  the  Shell  and  drank  to  her  again,  and  drank 
a  good  Swig  which  indeed  was  no  more  than  he  needed. 
Then  they  all  ftanding  up,  he  faid  to  Aiuaflionks,  You  wont 
drink  for  fear  there  fwuld  be  poifon  in  it:  And  then  handed 
it  to  a  little  ill  look'd  fellow,  who  catched  it  readily  enough, 
and  as  greedily  would  have  fwallowed  the  Liquor  when 
he  had  it  at  his  mouth;  But  Mr.  Church  catch'd  him  by 
the  throat  and  took  it  from  him,  asking  him,  Whether  he 

181  j±  g0urd  veflel,  or  drinking  cup,       Indians  had  been  gathered.     (See  note 
made   of  fome   tough  fhell ;    which,    in       149,  ante.} 

thofe   days,   when    pottery  was  coftlier  163   Occapeches  is   a  diminutive    from 

than  now,  was  in  common  ufe.     They  occafie,  or,  as  Eliot  wrote  it,  Onkuppe, 

were,  in  the  laft  generation,  often  made  "  ftrong  drink."     It    means,  therefore, 

of  a  cocoa-nut  fhell.  "  little  ftrong  drinks,"  "  drams."     (Ab- 

182  Wachufctt,  where  Philip  and  his  naki,  "a'kSbi,  eau  de  vie,  Rafles.) 

11  81 


[  H] 

intended  to  /wallow  Shell  and  all  ?  And  then  handed  it  to 
AwaJJwnks,  fhe  ventured  to  take  a  good  hearty  dram,  and 
pafs'd  it  among  her  Attendants. 

The  Shell  being  emptied,  he  pulled  out  his  Tobacco, 
and  having  diftributed  it,  they  began  to  talk. 

AwaJJwnks  demanded  of  him,  the  Reafon  why  he  had 
not  (agreeable  to  his  promife  when  fhe  faw  him  laft)  been 
down  at  Sogkonate  before  now;  Saying  that  probably  if  he 
had  come  then  according  to  his  promife,  they  had  never 
joyned  with  Philip  againft  the  EnglifJi. 

He  told  her  he  was  prevented  by  the  Wars  breaking 
out  fo  fuddenly.  And  yet,  he  was  afterwards  coming 
down,  &  came  as  far  as  Punkateefe,  where  a  great  many 
Indians  fet  upon  him,  and  fought  him  a  whole  afternoon, 
tho'  he  did  not  come  prepared  to  fight,  had  but  Nineteen 
Men  with  him,  whofe  chief  delign  was  to  gain  an  Oppor- 
tunity to  difcourfe  fome  Sogkonate  Indians.  Upon  this 
there  at  once  arofe  a  mighty  Murmur,  confufed  noife,  & 
talk  among  the  fierce  look'd  Creatures,  and  all  rifing  up  in 
an  hubbub;  and  a  great  furly  look'd  fellow  took  up  his 
Tomhog,  or  wooden  CutlaJJi,  to  kill  Mr.  Church,  but  fome 
others  prevented  him. 

The  Interpreter  asked  Mr.  Church,  if  he  underftood 
what  it  was  that  the  great  fellow  (they  had  hold  of)  faid  ? 
He  anfwered  him,  No.  Why,  faid  the  Interpreter,  He 
fays,  you  killed  his  Brother  at  Punkateefe,  and  therefore  he 
thirfts  for  your  blood.     Mr.  Church  bid  the  Interpreter  tell 

him  that  his  Brother  began  firft :    That  if  he  had  kept  at 

82 


[  25  ] 

Sogkonate  according  to  his  defire  and  order,  he  fhould  not 
have  hurt  him. 

Then  the  chief  Captain  commanded  Silence,  and  told 
them,  That  they  fhould  talk  no  more  about  old  things, 
&c.  and  quell'd  the  tumult,  fo  that  they  fat  down  again, 
and  began  upon  a  difcourfe  of  making  Peace  with  the 
EngliJJi.  Mr.  Church  ask'd  them,  What  Propofals  they 
would  make,  and  on  what  terms  they  would  break  their 
League  with  Philip?  Defiring  them  to  make  fome  Pro- 
pofals that  he  might  carry  to  his  Mailer's,  telling  them  that 
it  was  not  in  his  Power  to  conclude  a  Peace  with  them, 
but  that  he  knew  that  if  their  Propofals  were  reafonable, 
the  Government  would  not  be  unreafonable,  [25]  and  that 
he  would  ufe  his  Intereft  in  the  Government  for  them. 
And  to  encourage  them  to  proceed,  put  them  in  mind  that 
the  Peauolsm  once  made  War  with  the  EngliJJi,  and  that 

184  The  name  Pcquot  was  given  by  animate  objedl  fpecified,  the  verb  is 
the  neighboring  tribes  to  what  was  prop-  Paguandog;  whence  probably  Win- 
erly  an  off-moot  of  the  Muhhekaneew  throp's  Pequins.  It  is  lingular  that  fo 
{Mohican  and  Mohegari)  nation,  and  obvious  an  etymology,  or  rather  tranf- 
was  poffibly  affumed  by  themfelves,  as  lation,  has  hitherto  efcaped  notice. 
"  the  dejlroyers"  of  their  enemies.  The  The  name,  like  that  given  to  the  "Mo- 
early  Dutch  voyagers  called  them  Pc-  hawks,"  expreffes  the  terror  with  which 
quattoos  and  Pequatoes  ;  Roger  Wil-  this  warlike  race  was  regarded  by  other 
liams  writes  Pequttdog,  &c. ;  Winthrop,  New-England  tribes.  [Winthrop, 
Pekoath,  elfewhere  Pequins,  &c.  The  Journal,  i :  52,  72,  122.] 
Indian  verb  fignifying  "  to  deftroy,''  Their  territory  extended  from  the 
"to  make  havoc,"  has,  before  an  inani-  JViantic  on  the  weft  to  the  Paucatuck 
mate  objedt,  Paguatoog  (as  Eliot  writes  on  the  eaft;  fome  30  miles  in  length  by 
it,  e.g.,  Is.  iii :  12)  in  the  third  perfon  fome  20  in  breadth,  moftly  in  Connec- 
plural  of  the  indicative,  "  they  deftroy."  ticut.  The  "  Pequot  war"  took  place 
This  agrees  almoft  exadtly  with  Roger  in  1636-8.  [De  Foreft's  Hijl.  Ind.  of 
Williams's  form  of  the  name.     With  an  Conn.  58;  R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll.  iii :  161.] 

83 


[  25  ] 

after  they  fubjected  themfelves  to  the  Englifli,  the  EngliJJi 
became  their  Protestors,  and  defended  them  againft  other 
Nations  that  would  otherwife  have  deftroyed  them,  &c. 
After  fome  further  difcourfe,  and  debate,  he  brought  them 
at  length  to  confent  that  if  the  Government  of  Plymouth 
would  firmly  ingage  to  them,  That  they,  and  all  of  them, 
and  their  Wives  and  Children,  fJiotild  have  their  Lives  /pared, 
and  none  of  them  tranfported  out  of  the  Country,  they  would 
fubjecl  themfelves  to  them,  aiid  ferve  them  in  what  they  were 
able. 

Then  Mr.  Church  told  them,  That  he  was  well  fatisfyed 
the  Government  of  Plymouth  would  readily  concur  with 
what  they  propofed,  and  would  fign  their  Articles:  And 
complementing  them  upon  it,  how  pleafed  he  was  with 
the  thoughts  of  their  return,  and  of  the  former  friendfhip 
that  had  been  between  them,  &c. 

The  chief  Captain  rofe  up,  and  expreffed  the  great  value 
and  refpe6t  he  had  for  Mr.  Church;  and  bowing  to  him 
faid,  Sir,  If  youl  pleafe  to  accept  of  me  and  my  men,  and 
will  head  us,  we '/  fight  for  you,  and  will  help  you  to  Philips 
head  before  Indian  Corn  be  ripe  And  when  he  had  ended, 
they  all  exprefs'd  their  confent  to  what  he  faid,  and  told 
Mr.  Church  they  loved  him,  and  were  willing  to  go  with 
him  and  fight  for  him,  as  long  as  the  Englifli  had  one 
Enemy  left  in  the  Country. 

Mr.  Church  affured  them,  That  if  they  proved  as  good 
as  their  word,  they  mould  find  him  their's  and  their  Chil- 

84 


[  *5  ] 

dren's   faft   friend.     And    (by  the  way)   the   friendfhip   is 
maintain'd  between  them  to  this  day.185 

Then  he  propofed  unto  them,  that  they  mould  choofe 
five  men  to  go  ftraight  with  him  to  Plymouth  :  They  told 
him,  No ;  they  would  not  choofe,  but  he  mould  take 
which  five  he  pleafed:  fome  complements  paffed  about  it, 
at  length  it  was  agreed,  They  fhould  choofe  Three,  and  he 
Two.  Then  he  agreed,  with  that  he  would  go  back  to 
the  Ifland  that  Night,  and  would  come  to  them  the  next 
Morning,  and  go  thro'  the  Woods  to  Plymouth.  But  they 
afterwards  objected,  That  this  travelling  thro'  the  Woods 
would  not  be  fafe  for  him ;  the  Enemy  might  meet  with 
them,  and  kill  him,  and  then  they  fhould  lofe  their  friend, 
and  the  whole  deiign  ruined  befide.  And  therefore  pro- 
pofed, That  he  fhould  come  in  an  Englifh  VefTel,  and  they 
would  meet  him  and  come  on  board  at  Sogkonate-point, 

185  This  was  written  in  1715  or  1716.  each  place.  [See  original  printed  Re- 
in June,  1698,  Rev.  Grindal  Rawfon,  of  port  to  Comm.  for  Prop.  Go/pel,  made 
Mendon,  and  Rev.  Samuel  Danforth,  July  12,  169S.]  In  1700  there  were  faid 
of  Taunton,  "  Preachers  to  the  Indians  to  be  100  Indian  men  ftill  living  in 
in  their  own  tongue,"  vifited  Little  Little  Compton.  About  1750,  a  moft 
Compton,  and  reported  that  they  found  deftrudtive  fever  caufed  great  mortality 
two  plantations  of  Indians  there,  at  among  them;  lb  that  in  1774  the  R. -I. 
Saconet  and  Cokejit  (on  the  borders  cenfus  reported  there  only  1  male  and 
of  Dartmouth)  ;  that  Samuel  Church,  13  females  above  16  yrs.,  and  5  males 
alias  Sohcha-cvahham,  taught  the  firft,  and  6  females  under  that  age,  —  25  in 
and  had  ordinarily  40  hearers,  of  whom  all.  In  1803  there  were  "not  more 
20  were  men;  and  that,  at  the  fecond,  than  10"  there.  So  far  as  I  can  learn 
Daniel  Hinckley  taught  eleven  families  in  the  town,  there  is  not  one  perfon 
twice  every  Sabbath.  A  fchoolmafter,  with  any  trace  of  Indian  blood  recogniz- 
named  A/iam,  alio  labored  at  Coke/it,  able  in  his  veins  there  now.  [1  Mafs. 
and    there  were   two   Indian    rulers    at  Wft-  Coll.  ix :  204;  x:  114,  119.] 

85 


[  *] 

and  Sail  from  thence  to  Sandwich  :  which  in  fine,  was 
concluded  upon. 

So  Mr.  Church  promising  to  come  as  foon  as  he  could 
poffibly  obtain  a  Veffel,  and  then  they  parted.  He  re- 
turned to  the  Ifland,  and  was  at  great  pains  and  charge  to 
get  a  Veffel,  but  with  unaccountable  difappointments; 
fometimes  by  the  falfenefs,  and  fometimes  by  the  faint- 
heartednefs  of  Men  that  he  bargained  with,  and  fomething 
by  Wind  and  Weather,  &c.      [26] 

Until  at  length  Mr.  Anthony  Lowm  put  into  the  Har- 
bour187 with  a  loaden  Veffel  bound  to  the  Weftward,  and 
being  made  acquainted  with  Mr.  Churches  cafe,  told  him, 
That  he  had  fo  much  kindnefs  for  him,  and  was  fo  ft  leafed 
with  the  bufinefs  that  he  was  ingaged  in,  that  he  would  run 
the  venture  of  his  Veffel  &  Cargo,  to  wait  ufton  him. 
Accordingly,  next  Morning  they  fet  Sail  with  a  Wind  that 
foon  brought  them  to  Sogkonate-point\  but  coming  there 
they  met  with  a  contrary  wind,  and  a  great  fwelling  Sea. 

The  Indians  were   there  waiting  upon  the  Rocks,  but 


186  Anthony  Lowe  (Loc),  fon  of  John,  there  in  May,  1704,  and  conftable  there 

Bofton,  removed  after  1654  to  Warwick,  in  06t.,  1706;  or  whether  that  Anthony 

R.-I. ;    in  165S  was  fined  £3,  by  Plym-  were     his    fon,    I    cannot    determine, 

outh  Court  for  felling  a  piftol  to  an  In-  [Savage's    Gen.  Did.  iii :    125;    Plym. 

dian,  at  Eaftham ;    in  16S0  owned  land  Col.  Rec.  iii:   137;   vi ;   56,  101 ;   R.-I. 

adjoining  Nathaniel  Peck's  in  Swanfey,  Col.  Rec.  iii :  49S,  571-] 

and  in  1682-3  was  living  at  Swanfey,  187    Newport    Harbor,    as    I   suppofe. 

and  had  an  Indian  Have  named  James,  There  is  nothing  that  can  be  called  a 

to  whom  the  Plymouth  Colony  ordered  harbor  on  the  eaft  ibore  of  the  ifland. 

his    freedom    and    "  a    good     fuite    of  Newport  was  not  more  than  five  or  fix 

clothes."     Whether   he    afterwards   re-  miles     from     Capt.    Almy's    houfe    in 

turned   to  Warwick,  and  was  freeman  Portfmouth. 

86 


[    26] 

had  nothing  but  a  miferable  broken  Canoo  to  get  aboard 
in.  Yet  Peter  AwaJJionks  ventured  off  in  it,  and  with  a 
great  deal  of  difficulty  and  danger  got  aboard.  And  by 
this  time  it  began  to  Rain  and  Blow  exceedingly,  and 
forced  them  away  up  the  Sound;188  and  then  went  away 
thro'  Briflol  Ferry,  round  the  Ifland  to  New-port,  carrying 
Peter  with  them. 

Then  Mr.  Church  difmifs'd  Mr.  Low,  and  told  him, 
That  inafmuch  as  Providence  opposed  his  going  by  Water, 
and  he  expecled  that  the  Army  would  be  up  in  a  few  days, 
and  probably  if  he  flwuld  be  gone  at  that  junclure,  it  might 
mine  the  whole  defign  ;  would  therefore  yield  his  Voyage. 

Then  he  writ  the  account  of  his  tranfaclions  with  the 
Indians,  and  drew  up  the  Propofals,  and  Articles  of  Peace, 
and  difpatch'd  Peter  with  them  to  Plymouth',  that  his 
Honour  the  Governour  if  he  faw  caufe  might  fign  them. 

Peter  was  fet  over  to  Sogkonate  on  the   Lords   day189 

188  That  is  the  "  Eaft  Paflage,"  or  Indians  of  Saconett,  to  the  number  of 
Narraganlet  River.  about  30  men,  with  theire  wiues   and 

189  This  would  feem  to  have  been  children,  and  tendered  to  renew  theire 
Sab.,  25  June,  1676.  The  army,  by  the  peace  with  the  Englilh,  and  requefted 
Court  order  (note  165,  ante),  were  to  be  libertie  to  fitt  downe  in  quietnes  on 
ready  to  march  on  Wednefdaj,  21  June;  theire  lands  att  Saconett."  Their  ex- 
they  ought  to  reach  the  neighborhood  amination  is  detailed,  at  length.  On 
of  Rhode-Iuand  by  the  following  Sab-  being  upbraided  for  the  wrong  done  in 
bath,  and  fo  it  would  be  natural  that  joining  Philip,  &c,  "  Chotvohumma, 
there  mould  be  "  great  looking  for  faid :  Wee  cannot  make  fatiffaction  for 
them,"  by  this  time.  It  is  on  record,  the  wronge  don  ;  but  if  our  weemen  and 
alfo,  that  Peter,  with  George  and  Da-  children  can  be  cecured,  wee  will  doe 
vid,  alias  Choxvahunna,  appeared  be-  any  feruice  wee  can  by  fighting  againft 
fore  the  Council  at  Plymouth  on  the  the  enimie."  They  further  faid  that 
following  Wednefday,  28  June,  1676,  Succatiotvajfucke  was  the  firft  man  that 
in  "  the  behalfe  of  themfelues  and  other  ftirred    up   the    Indians    to    join   with 

S7 


[  26] 

Morning,  with  orders  to  take  thofe  men  that  were  chofen 
to  go  down,  or  fome  of  them  at  leafl  with  him.  The  time 
being  expired  that  was  appointed  for  the  EngliJJi  Army  to 
come,  there  was  great  looking  for  them.  Mr.  Church  on 
the  Monday  Morning  (partly  to  divert  himfelf  after  his 
fategue,  and  partly  to  liften  for  the  Army)  Rid  out  with 
his  Wife  and  fome  of  his  friends  to  Port/mouth™  under  a 
pretence  of  Cherrying;  but  came  home  without  any  News 
from  the  Army:  But  by  Midnight,  or  fooner,  he  was 
roufed  with  an  Exprefs  from  Maj.  Bradford,  who  was 
arrived  with  the  Army  at  PocaJJet.  To  whom  he  forth- 
with repaired,191  and  informed  him  of  the  whole  of  his  pro- 
ceedings, with  the  Sogkonate  Indians.     With  the  Majors 


Philip,  and  that  he  was  at  Saconet, 
and  promifed  to  try  to  furprife  him  as 
foon  as  they  fhould  return.  The  Coun- 
cil propofed  that  Peter  fhould  remain 
as  a  hoftage,  to  which  he  confented. 
It  was  finally  decided  that  they  fhould 
go  back,  and  that  fuch  as  Maj.  Brad- 
ford defired  for  the  army  fhould  join 
that,  and  the  others  give  up  their  arms ; 
that  any  "murdering"  Indians  of  their 
number  fhould  be  delivered  up,  and 
that  they  fhould  not  harbor  the  enemies 
of  the  Colony;  on  which  conditions  it 
was  promifed  that  "  they  fhall  haue  a 
place  affigned  them  for  theire  p'fent 
refidence  in  peace,"  with  further  prom- 
ife  for  the  future,  "  in  cafe  the  warr  doe 
feafe."     \_Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v  :  201-3.] 

19J  If  Church  were  ftill  an  inmate  of 
Capt.  Almy's  houfe  in  Portfmouth, 
there  feems  a  little  ftrangenefs  in  his 


fpeaking  thus  of  riding  out  to  Portf- 
mouth. He  may  have  removed  his 
family,  before  this,  to  Major  Peleg 
Sanford's,  in  Newport  (now  in  Middle- 
town),  where,  it  will  be  feen,  they  were 
at  the  time  of  Philip's  capture.  Or,  as 
the  firft  fettlement  of  the  northern  part 
of  the  ifland  was  around  a  cove  between 
Briftol  ferry  and  the  Stone  bridge  (the 
fettlement  being  firft  called  Pocaffet; 
changed  to  Portfmouth,  1639-40),  the 
name  of  Portfmouth  may,  at  the  date  of 
which  Church  is  here  fpeaking,  have 
been  more  efpecially  appropriated  to  the 
original  fettlement  in  the  extreme  north- 
ern portion  of  the  prefent  town,  fo  that 
he  naturally  fpoke  of  riding  over  from 
Capt.  Almy's  toward  the  Stone  bridge, 
as  riding  out  to  Portfmouth.  [Arnold's 
Hijl.  R.-I.  i:  71,  125,  136,  143.] 
191  Tuefday,  27  June,  1676. 


8S 


[  *7  ] 

confent  and  advice,  he  returned  again  next  Morning192  to 
the  Ifland,  in  order  to  go  over  that  way  to  AwaJJwnks,  to 
inform  her  that  the  Army  was  arrived,  &c.  Accordingly 
from  Sachueefet-Neck™  he  went  in  a  Canoo  to  Sogkonate^ 
told  her  Maj.  Bradford  was  arrived  at  Pocajfet,  with  a 
great  Army,  whom  he  had  inform'd  of  all  his  proceedings 
with  her.  That  if  fhe  would  be  advifed  and  obferve  order 
fhe  nor  her  People  need  not  to  fear  being  hurt  by  them. 
Told  her,  She  mould  call  all  her  People  down  into  the 
Neck,  leaft  if  they  mould  be  found  ftraggling  about,  mif- 
chief  might  light  on  them.  That  on  the  Morrow  they 
would  come  down  and  receive  her,  and  give  her  further 
orders.  She  promifed  to  get  as  many  of  her  People  to- 
gether as  poffibly  fhe  could.  Defiring  Mr.  Church  to  con- 
fider  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  to  get  them  together  at 
fuch  fhort  [27]  warning.  Mr.  Church  returned  to  the 
Ifland,  and  to  the  Army  the  fame  Night:  The  next  Morn- 
ing194 the  whole  Army  Marched  towards  Sogkonate  as  far 
as  Punkateefe ;  and  Mr.  Church  with  a  few  Men  went 
down  to  Sogkonate  to  call  AwaJJwnks,  and  her  People  to 
come  up  to  the  Englifh  Camp;  as  he  was  going  down, 
they  met  with  a  Pocajfet  Indian,  who  had  killed  a  Cow 
and  got  a  Quarter  of  her  on  his  back,  and  her  Tongue  in 
his  Pocket;  who  gave  them  an  account,  That  he  came 
from  Pocaffet  two  days  fince  in  company  with  his  Mother 

192  Wednefday,  28  June,  1676.  foot  of  which  the  village  of  Newport 

193  Sachueejet  [Sachuejl~\  neck  is  the  forms  the  inftep.  It  is  diftant  about  3 
fouth-eaftern  point  of  the  ifland  of  miles,  by  water,  due  weft,  from  Saconet. 
Rhode-Iiland  ;  the  elongated  heel  of  the  19i  Thurfdaj,  29  June,  1676. 

12  8q 


[  27  ] 

and  feveral  other  Indians  now  hid  in  a  Swamp  above 
Nomquid'™  difarming  of  him,  he  fent  him  by  two  Men 
to  Maj.  Bradford,  and  proceeded  to  Sogkonate:  they  faw 
feveral  Indians  by  the  way  skulking  about,  but  let  them 
pafs.  Arriving  at  AwaJJwnks  Camp,  told  her,  He  was 
come  to  invite  her  and  her  People  up  to  Punkateefe,  where 
Maj.  Bradford  now  was  with  the  Plymouth  Army,  expell- 
ing her  and  her  Subjecls  to  receive  orders,  until  further 
order  cotcld  be  had  from  the  Government.  She  complyed, 
and  foon  fent  out  orders  for  fuch  of  her  Subjects  as  were 
not  with  her,  immediately  to  come  in;  and  by  Twelve  a 
Clock  of  the  next  day,196  fhe  with  molt  of  her  Number 
appear'd  before  the  Englifh  Camp  at  Pitnkateefe.  Mr. 
Church  tender'd  the  Major  to  Serve  under  his  Commiffion, 
provided  the  Indians  might  be  accepted  with  him,  to  fight 
the  Enemy.  The  Major  told  him,  his  Orders  were  to  im- 
prove him,  if  he  p leafed,  but  as  for  the  Indians,  he  would  not 
be  concerted  with  them.  And  prefently  gave  forth  orders 
for  AwafJwnks,  and  all  her  Subjects  both  Men,  Women 
and  Children  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  and  to  be  there  upon 
Peril,  in  Six  days.197     AwafJionks  and  her  chiefs  gather'd 

195  Nomqiiid  \_Nonequit,  Nonquit,  made  their  appearance  at  Plymouth  to 
JVatnqut'i,  &c.,~\,  the  cove  or  pond  lying  confer  with  the  Council,  —  and  we  are 
between  Punkateefe  neck  and  Tiverton.      told  that  it  was  "  after  fome  time  for 

196  Friday,  30  June,  1676.  Both  Hub-  confideration"  that  the  Council  reached 
bard  and  Mather  mention  "  about  90"  its  conclufion,  —  it  is  not  probable  that 
as  the  number  of  thofe  with  Awafhonks  Maj.  Bradford  had  been  informed  of 
in  this  fubmiffion.  \_Narrative,  97;  their  decifion.  (Mather  fays,  Awafhonks 
Brief  Hijl.  39.]  with  about  90  came  and  tendered  them- 

197  As  this  took  place  only  two  days  felves  "  before  the  meffengers  re- 
after   Peter    and    his  two  companions  turned.")     He  was  therefore  acling  on 

90 


[  27  ] 

round  Mr.  Church,  (where  he  was  walk'd  off  from  the 
reft)  exprefled  themfelves  concerned  that  they  could  not 
be  confided  in,  nor  improv'd.  He  told  them,  'twas  beft 
to  obey  Orders  ;  and  that  if  he  could  not  accompany  them  to 
Sandwich,  it  JJwuld  not  be  above  a  Week  before  he  would 
meet  them  there ;  That  he  was  confident  the  Governour 
would  Commifjion  him  to  improve  them.  The  Major  haft- 
ened  to  fend  them  away  with  Jack  Havens™  (an  Indian 
who  had  never  been  in  the  Wars)  in  the  Front  with  a  flag 
of  Truce  in  his  hand.  They  being  gone,  Mr.  Church,  by 
the  help  of  his  Man  Toby  (the  Indian  whom  he  had  taken 
Prifoner,  as  he  was  going  down  to  Sogkonate)  took  faid 
Toby's  Mother,  &  thofe  that  were  with  her,  Prifoners. 
Next  Morning199  the  whole  Army  moved  back  to  Pocafjet. 
This  Toby  informed  them  that  there  were  a  great  many 
Indians  gone  down  to  Wepoifet™  to  eat  Clams,  (other 
Proviiions  being  very  fcarce  with  them;)  that  Philip  him- 
felf  was  expected  within  3  or  4  dayes  at  the  fame  Place: 

his  own  authority  as  commander-in-  on  the  Court  Records  under  date  of  6 
chief,  and  his  objedl  in  ordering  Awa-  March,  1676-7,  "  whoe  haue  approued 
fhonks  and  her  tribe  to  Sandwich  was,  themfelues  faithfull  to  the  Englifh  dur- 
clearly,  to  get  them  out  of  reach  of  ing  the  late  Rebellion,"  befides  Mama- 
temptation,  at  once,  and  opportunity,  to  nuett,  their  Sachem  (and  family),  who 
join  Philip  in  further  hoftilities.  His  is  defcribed  as  "  att  or  about  Saconett." 
order  was  not  a  harm  one  in  the  matter  \Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v  :  225.] 
of  time ;  for  the  diftance  could  not  199  Saturday,  1  July,  1676. 
probably  be  more  than  40  miles  by  the  20°  Wepoifet  [  Weypoifet,  Waypoyfet, 
circuitous  foreft-paths,  for  which  he  al-  &c.,]  was  the  Indian  name  for  the  narrow 
lowed  them  fix  days.  [Plym.  Col.  Rec.  entrance  of  Kikemuit  river  feparating 
v  :  202  :  Mather's  Brief  Hi/lory,  39.]  the  northern  part  of  Briftol,  R.-L,  from 
198  Jack  Havens  is  on  the  lift  of  four-  the  fouth-eaftern  part  of  Warren, 
teen  Indians,  whofe  names  were  entered  [Fefienden's  Hijl.  Warren.  R.-I.  71.] 

91 


[  ^8] 

being  asked,  What  Indians  they  were}  He  anfwered,  Some 
Weetemores  Indians,  fome  Mowzt-hope  Indians,  fome  Nar- 
raganfet  Indians,  and  fome  other  Upland  Indians,  in  all 
about  300.  The  Rhode-IJland  Boats  by  the  Majors  order 
meeting  them  at  PocaJ/et,  they  were  foon  imbark'd,  it 
being  jult  in  the  dusk  of  the  Evening,  they  could  plainly 
difcover  the  Enemies  fires  at  the  Place  the  Indian  directed 
to;201  and  the  Army  concluded  no  other  but  they  were 
bound  [28]  direftly  thither,  until  the}'  came  to  the  North 
End  of  the  Ifland,  and  heard  the  word  of  Command  for  the 
Boats  to  bare  away.202  Mr.  Church  was  very  fond  of 
having  this  probable  opportunity  of  furprizing  that  whole 
Company  of  Indians  imbraced:  But  Orders,  'twas  faid, 
muft  be  obeyed,  which  was  to  go  to  Mount-hope  and  there 
to  fight  Philip.  This  with  fome  other  good  opportunities 
of  doing  fpoil  upon  the  Enemy,  being  unhappily  mifs'd.203 

201  The  exact  fpot  where  the  Indians  Hope  Cove,  would  haul  ftraight  to  the 
were  digging  clams  and  eating  them  weft,  and,  if  they  were  to  land  at  Briftol 
would  feem  to  have  been  on  the  fouth-       neck,  fharp  to  the  ibuth-weft. 

eaftern  curve  of  what  is  now  called  2a3  The  narrative  does  not  certainly 
Touiffett  neck ;  from  whence  fires  would  indicate  whether  the  army  kept  Sab- 
be  vifible  acrofs  the  bay  at  Pocaffet;  bath  at  Mount  Hope,  or,  finding  Philip 
where  Maj.  Bradford's  army  could  was  not  there,  puihed  on  at  once  up 
fcarcely  be  diftant  from  them  five  miles  Mount-Hope  neck  and  acrofs  Miles's 
in  a  ftraight  line.  bridge  to  Rehoboth  ;   though  the  prob- 

202  They  probably  embarked  at  what  abilities  feem  to  be  ftrong  that  they  did 
was  then  the  Ferry,  —  now  fpanned  by  not  march  to  Rehoboth  until  they  had, 
the  "Stone  Bridge,"  —  from  whence,  for  at  leaft,  fearched  for  the  Indians  whom 
two  miles  and  a  half,  their  natural  they  had  feen  the  night  before  at  Wey- 
courfe  would  lie  directly  towards  the  poifet.  I  imagine  that  the  "  other  good 
light  of  the  fires.  When  well  up  with  opportunities"  to  which  Church  refers 
the  north  end  of  Rhode-Ifland,  their  as  being  "  miffed,"  had  reference  to  fev- 
courfe,  if  they  were  going  to  Mount-  eral  fruitlefs  attempts,  occupying  feveral 

92 


[  a*] 


Mr.  Church  obtain'd  the  Majors  Confent  to  meet  the  Sog- 
konate  Indians,  according  to  his  promife.  He  was  offer'd 
a  Guard  to  Plymouth,  but  chofe  to  go  with  one  Man  only, 
who  was  a  good  Pilot.  About  Sun-fet204  he  with  Sabin 
his  Pilot205  mounted  their  Horfes  at  Rehoboth,  where  the 
Army  now  was,  and  by  two  Hours  by  Sun  next  Morning 
arrived  fafe  at  Plymouth :  And  by  that  time  they  had 
refrefhed  themfelves,  the  Governour  and  Treafurer206  came 
to  Town.  Mr.  Church  giving  them  a  fhort  account  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Army,  &c.  His  Honour  was  pleafed  to  give 
him  thanks  for  the  good  and  great  Service  he  had  done 
at  Sogkonate,  told  him,  He  had  confirmed  all  that  he 
promifed  Awafhonks,  and  had  fent  the  Indian  back  again 


days  in  Mount-Hope  neck  and  its  re- 
gion, to  damage  the  Indians,  before 
the  army  went  to  the  garrifon-houfe  at 
Rehoboth,  which  (with  one  other)  had 
efcaped  deftru<5tion  on  the  28th  of 
March. 

2J4  This  could  not  have  been  "  fun- 
fet "  of  the  next  day  after  leaving  Po- 
cafiet  (Sab.,  2  July,  1676),  becaufe  then 
Church  would  have  reached  Plymouth 
two  hours  after  funrife,  on  Monday,  3 
July.  But  he  told  the  Governor,  on  the 
day  of  his  arrival,  that  "  the  time  had 
expired  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet 
the  Sogkonates  at  Sandwich  ";  and  as 
he  had  promifed  them,  on  the  30th  of 
June,  that  "  it  fhould  not  be  above  a 
iveek  before  he  would  meet  them,"  his 
promife  could  not  expire  until  Friday, 
7  July :  therefore  he  could  not  have 
reached  Plymouth  until  on  or  after  the 
7th  July.     Hence  he  could  not  have  left 


Rehoboth  before  Thurfday,  6  July,  the 
fifth  day  after  leaving  Pocaffet,  and 
landing  at  Mount  Hope. 

205  Sabin  [Sabine']  was  then  a  Reho- 
both name.  Savage  mentions  eight  of 
the  name,  all  (he  thinks)  of  Rehoboth, 
and  five  of  whom  ferved  in  Philip's 
war  either  in  perfon  or  by  contribu- 
tions. Blifs  mentions  Jonathan,  as  in 
the  Narraganfett  fight,  and  Samuel,  as 
ferving  under  Maj.  Bradford.  He  alfo 
gives  the  names  of  five  (Jofefih,  Wil- 
liam, Samuel,  Benjamin,  and  a  Widow 
Sabin)  as  making  advances  of  money 
to  fuftain  the  war.  Doubtlefs,  Church's 
guide  was  one  of  this  patriotic  family. 
[Gen.  Did.  iv  :  1 ;  Hijl.  Rehoboth,  117, 
11S.] 

206  Jofias  Winflow  and  Conftant 
Southworth.  The  former  refided  in 
Marlhfield,  and  the  latter  in  Duxbury. 
[See  notes  20  and  6S,  ante."] 


93 


[  28] 

that  brought  his  Letter.  He  asked  his  Honour,  Whether  he 
had  any  thing  later  from  Awafhonks  ?  He  told  him  he 
had  not.  Where-upon  he  gave  his  Honour  account  of  the 
Majors  orders  relating  to  her  and  hers,  and  what  difcourfe 
had  parTed pro  &  con  about  them;  and  that  he  had  prom- 
ifed  to  meet  them,  and  that  he  had  incouraged  them,  that 
he  thought  he  might  obtain  of  his  Honour  a  Commiflion 
to  lead  them  forth  to  fight  Philip.  His  Honour  fmilingly 
told  him,  That  he  Jliould  not  want  Commiflion  if  he  would 
accept  it,  nor  yet  good  EnglifJi  men  enough  to  make  up  a 
good  Army.  But  in  fhort,  he  told  his  Honour  the  time 
was  expired  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet  the  Sogkonates 
at  Sandwich.  The  Governour  asked  him,  when  he  would 
go?  He  told  him  that  afternoon,  by  his  Honours  leave. 
The  Governour  ask'd  him,  How  many  Men  he  would 
have  with  him?  He  anfwered,  Not  above  half  a  dozen, 
with  an  order  to  take  more  at  Sandwich,  if  he  faw  caufe ; 
and  Horfes  provided.  He  no  fooner  moved  it,  but  had 
his  number  of  Men  tendering  to  go  with  him,  among 
which  was  Mr.  Jabez  Howland™  and  Nathanael  South" 

207  Jabez  Hotvland  was  fon  of  John,  gers;    removed   to   Briftol,    R.-L,    and 

who  came  as  attendant  of  Gov.  Carver  was  licenied   to  keep  an  inn   there  in 

in  the  Mayflower;   was  fined  at  Plym-  1681,  and  was  feledtman  there  in  16S2, 

outh,  March  5, 1666-7,  35.4^,  for  a  breach  1685,  and   1690;   was  enfign  of  a  mili- 

of  the  peace,  in  ftriking  Jofeph  Billing-  tary  company   there   in    1684;    deputy 

ton ;   ferved  on  a  trial  jury  in  1671  and  thence  in  1689  and  1690.     He  married 

1677,  and  on  a  coroner's  jury  in  1671  Bethia,  dau.  of  Anthony  Thacher,  and 

and  1673  ;    was  conftable  of  Plymouth  had  ten  children.     [Savage's  Gen.  DiS. 

in  1675;  petitioned  for  a  grant  of  land  ii :    479;    Plym.   Col.  Rec.  iv :    140;   v: 

in   1675,  in  virtue  of  the   Court  order  82,  88,   122,   165,   170,  255;   vi :  78,  84, 

preferring  children  born  here  to  ftran-  131,  169,  206,  241.] 

94 


[  *8  ] 


worth'™  they  went  to  Sandwich  that  Night;  where  Mr. 
Church  (with  need  enough)  took  a  Nap  of  Sleep.  The 
next  Morning  with  about  16  or  18  Men  proceeded  as  far 
as  Agawom™  where  they  had  great  expectation  of  meeting 
the  Indians i  but  met  them  not;  his  Men  being  difcouraged 
about  half  of  them  returned;  only  half  a  dozen  lluck  by 
him,  &  promifed  fo  to  do  until  they  mould  meet  with  the 
Indians.  When  they  came  to  Sippican  River™  Mr.  How- 
land  began  to  tyre,  upon  which  Mr.  Church  left  him,  and 
two  more,  for  a  Referve  at  the  River,  that  if  he  mould 
meet  with  Enemies   and  be  forced  back,  they  might  be 


208  Nathaniel  Southivorth,  fecond  fon 
of  Conftant,  was  born  at  Plymouth, 
1648 ;  furveyor  of  highways  1673 ; 
ferved  on  trial  jury  in  1677 ;  was  con- 
ftable  of  Plymouth,  and  ferved  on  coro- 
ner's jury  in  1678;  was  fined  105.  in 
16S1,  for  refuting  to  aid  the  conftable 
of  Plymouth  ;  ferved  on  coroner's  jury 
in  1684;  was  a  fele<5tman  of  Plymouth 
in  1689  and  1691,  and  grand  juror  in 
1690.  He  was  alfo  a  lieutenant.  He  died 
Jan.  14,  1711.  Savage  fays  he  lived  at 
Middleborough ;  but  I  find  no  trace  of 
it  in  the  Colony  Records.  [Savage's 
Gen.  Did.  iv  :  143  ;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v  : 
115,  246,  257,  263;  vi:  56,  148,  206,  237, 
264.] 

209  Agaxvam  was  the  Indian  name  of 
the  fettlement  near  the  Agawam  River, 
in  what  is  now  Wareham.  The  name 
is  ftill  retained  by  a  little  village  on  the 
low  lands  through  which  the  river  winds 
into  the  "  Narrows."  The  name  is 
from  agxve,  "below";  hence  fignifying 
fometimes  beloxv,   as  defcriptive    of  a 


point  down  ftream  from  another  on  the 
fame  river,  and  fometimes  a  lotv  place, 
as  defcriptive  of  flats,  or  low  land  with- 
out reference  to  higher  elevations  in 
the  vicinity,  as  thefe  flat  meadows  in 
Wareham,  and  the  "low  ilands  of  Au- 
guan "  of  which  Capt.  Smith  fpeaks. 
[Advertifements  for  the  Unexperienced, 
d-c,  p.  27.] 

210  Sippican  River  (confluent  with 
the  Wetveantitf)  runs  into  Buzzard's 
Bay  about  half  way  between  the  vil- 
lages of  Wareham  and  Marion ;  and 
its  lower  portion  forms  the  boundary 
between  thofe  two  towns.  The  word 
Sippican  \_Sepaconnet,  Scf>peka?i\  is 
related  to  Sebago,  from  the  Abnaki, 
s8bek8,  "lamer,  eau falee," Rafles,  (but 
bracki/k  water,  rather  than  fait,  per- 
haps), the  equivalent  of  Eliot' sjeippog, 
ufed  in  fames  iii :  12,  for  "fait  water." 
The  Indians  of  Maflachufetts  had  no 
word  {ox  fait.  See,  by  itfelf,  fignifies 
ufually,  "  four";  hence,  doubtlefs,  "  dif- 
agreeable,"  "  ill-tafted." 


95 


[  29] 

ready  to  affift  them  in  getting  over  the  River.  Proceed- 
ing in  their  March,  they  croffed  another  River,211  and 
opened  a  great  Bay,212  where  they  might  fee  many  Miles 
along-more,  where  were  Sands  and  Flats;  and  hearing  a 
great  noife  below  them  towards  [29]  the  Sea.  They  dif- 
mounted  their  Horfes,  left  them  and  crep'd  among  the 
bufhes,  until  they  came  near  the  bank,  and  faw  a  vaft 
company  of  Indians ;  of  all  Ages  and  Sexs,  fome  on  Horfe- 
back  running  races,  fome  at  Foot-ball,213  fome  catching 
Eels  &  Flat-fifh  in  the  water,  fome  Clamming,  &c.  but 
which  way  with  fafety  to  find  out  what  Indians  they  were, 
they  were  at  a  lofs.  But  at  length,  retiring  into  a  thicket, 
Mr.  Church  hollow'd  to  them;  they  foon  anfwered  him, 
and  a  couple  of  fmart  young  Fellows,  well  mounted,  came 
upon  a  full  Career  to  fee  who  it  might  be  that  call'd,  and 
came  juft  upon  Mr.  Church  before  they  difcovered  him; 

211  In  the  abfence  of  any  tradition  here  has  a  breadth  of  fix  or  feven  miles; 
identifying  this  ftream,  and  deciding  while  it  would  give  him  fight  of  a 
merely  by  my  knowledge  of  the  locali-  long  coaft  diftance  down  what  is  now 
ties,  I  conceive  this  to  have  been  what  the  eaftern  and  fouthern  more  of  Matta- 
is  now  called  "  Mill  Creek,"  emptying  poilett.  I  judge,  therefore,  that  the 
into  Aucoot  Cove  —  which  is  the  firft  fands  and  flats  on  which  Awalhonks 
inlet  on  the  coaft  fouth-weft  of  Sippican  and  her  Indians  were  now  encamped 
Harbor.  were  thofe  between  Aucoot  Cove   and 

212  If  I  am  right  in  the  identification  Angelica  Point,  or  between  Angelica 
of  Mill  Creek  as  the  ftream  laft  referred  Point  and  Ned's  Point,  in  Mattapoifett 
to,  after  Church  paffed  over  it,  a  prog-  aforefaid. 

refs  of  lefs  than   a  mile  would  enable  213  "A  game  of  football  in  which  he 

him    to  look  out  by  the  fouth-eaftern  was  expert,  or  of  quoits,  or  a  wreftling- 

extremity    of    Charles    Neck    and    the  bout,  or  a  dance  in  which  women  did 

overlapping    Butter's    Point    of    Great  not   mingle,    afforded    fome    occafional 

Neck  (a  mile  and  a  half  further  eaft),  variety."     [Palfrey's  Hijl.  N.  E.  i :  32 ; 

and  to  "  open  "  Buzzard's  Bay,  which  Schoolcraft's  Hiji.  Ind.  Tribes,  ii :  78.] 

96 


[  29  ] 

but  when  they  perceived  themfelves  fo  near  EngliJJi  Men, 
and  Arm'd,  were  much  furprized,  and  tack'd  fhort  about 
to  run  as  faft  back  as  they  came  forward,  until  one  of  the 
Men  in  the  bufhes  call'd  to  them,  and  told  them  his  Name 
was  Church,  and  need  not  fear  his  hurting  of  them.  Upon 
which,  after  a  fmall  paufe,  they  turned  about  their  Horfes, 
and  came  up  to  him;  one  of  them  that  could  fpeak  EngliJJi, 
Mr.  Church  took  afide  and  examin'd,  who  inform'd  him, 
That  the  Indians  below  were  AwaJ7wnks,  and  her  com- 
pany, and  that  Jack  Havens  was  among  them;  whom  Mr. 
Church  immediately  fent  for  to  come  to  him,  and  order'd 
the  Meffenger  to  inform  AwaJIionks  that  he  was  come  to 
meet  her;  Jack  Havens  foon  came,  and  by  that  time  Mr. 
Church  had  ask'd  him  a  few  Queftions,  and  had  been  fat- 
isfyed  by  him,  That  it  was  AwaJJwnks,  and  her  company 
that  were  below,  and  that  Jack  had  been  kindly  treated  by 
them;  a  company  of  Indians  all  Mounted  on  Horfe-back, 
and  well  Arm'd  came  riding  up  to  Mr.  Church,  but  treated 
him  with  all  dew  refpefts.  He  then  order'd  Jack  to  go 
tell  AwaJIionks,  that  he  defigned  to  Sup  with  her  in  the 
Evening,  and  to  lodge  in  her  Camp  that  Night.  Then 
taking  fome  of  the  Indians  with  him,  he  went  back  to  the 
River  to  take  care  of  Mr.  How land :214  Mr.  Church  being 
a  Mind  to  try  what  Mettal  he  was  made  of,  imparted  his 
notion  to  the  Indians  that  were  with  him,  &  gave  them 
directions  how  to  a<5t  their  parts;    when  he  came  pretty 

214  It  would  be  four  and  a  half  or  five      Mr.  Howland,  with  his  referve  of  two 
miles  back  to   Sippican  River,  where      men,  had  been  left. 

13  97 


[30] 

near  the  Place,  he  and  his  Englijli  Men  pretendedly  fled, 
firing  on  their  retreat  towards  the  Indians  that  purfued 
them,  and  they  firing  as  fall  after  them.  Mr.  Howland 
being  upon  his  guard,  hearing  the  Guns,  and  by  &  by  fee- 
ing the  motion  both  of  the  Engli/Ji  and  Indians,  concluded 
his  friends  were  diftreffed,  was  foon  on  the  full  Career 
on  Horfe-back  to  meet  them,  until  he  perceiving  their 
laughing  miftrufted  the  Truth.  As  foon  as  Mr.  Church 
had  given  him  the  News,  they  hafted  away  to  AwaJJwnks. 
Upon  their  arrival,  they  were  immediately  conducted  to  a 
fhelter,  open  on  one  fide,  whither  AwaJJwnks  and  her 
chiefs  foon  came  &  paid  their  Refpedts:  and  the  Multi- 
tudes gave  fhouts  as  made  the  heavens  to  ring.  It  being 
now  about  Sun-fetting,  or  near  the  dusk  of  the  Evening; 
The  Netops215  came  running  from  all  quarters  loaden  with 
the  tops  of  dry  Pines,  &  the  like  combuftible  matter 
making  a  hugh  pile  thereof,  near  Mr.  Churches  fhelter,  on 
the  open  fide  thereof:  but  by  this  time  Supper  was 
brought  in,  [30]  in  three  difhes,  viz.  a  curious  young  Bafs, 
in  one  difh,  Eels  &  Flat-fifh  in  a  fecond,  and  Shell-fifh  in 
a  third,  but  neither  Bread  nor  Salt  to  be  feen  at  Table. 
But  by  that  time  Supper  was  over,  the  mighty  pile  of  Pine 

215  See  note  143,  ante.    The  word  in-  and  a  definite  application   (though   it 

tends  friendly  Indians.     Mr.  Drake  fug-  was  fometimes  ufed  by  the  Englilh,  as 

gefts  here  that  the  term  may  be  equiva-  equivalent  to  Netop,  or  'Indian').     It 

lent  to  Sannofi  (citing  Winthrop  \_your-  fignified  '  a  brave,' —  vir,  as  diftinguifhed 

val,  i:  49],  and   Hubbard   [Gen.  Hist.  from  homo;   and  was  never  applied  by 

N.E.,  253] ;  though  the  latter  has  San-  an  Indian  to  a  foreigner,  or  except  to 

nap)  ■  but  Mr.  Trumbull  fays,  "  Sa?inop  the   warriors    of    his    own    nation    or 

had,  with  the  Indians,  a  more  reftridted  tribe."     [Drake's  Church  (2d  ed.),  91.] 

9S 


[3°] 

Knots  and  Tops,  &c.  was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians  great 
and  fmall  gathered  in  a  ring  round  it.  AwaJJionks  with 
the  oldeft  of  her  People  Men  and  Women  mix'd,  kneeling 
down  made  the  firft.  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  the  lufty, 
ilout  Men  ftanding  up  made  the  next ;  and  then  all  the 
Rabble  in  a  confufed  Crew  furrounded  on  the  out-fide. 
Then  the  chief  Captain  ftep'd  in  between  the  rings  and  the 
fire,  with  a  Spear  in  one  hand  and  an  Hatchet  in  the 
other,  danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it, 
making  mention  of  all  the  feveral  Nations  &  Companies  of 
Indians  in  the  Country  that  were  Enemies  to  the  Englifli ; 
&  at  naming  of  every  particular  Tribe  of  Indians,  he 
would  draw  out  &  fight  a  new  fire  brand,  &  at  his  finifh- 
ing  his  fight  with  each  particular  fire-brand,  would  bow  to 
him  and  thank  him;  and  when  he  had  named  all  the 
feveral  Nations  and  Tribes,  and  fought  them  all  he  ftuck 
down  his  Spear  and  Hatchet,  and  came  out;  and  another 
ftept  in  and  a6led  over  the  fame  dance,  with  more  fury,  if 
poffible,  than  the  firft;  and  when  about  half  a  dozen  of 
their  chiefs  had  thus  a6ted  their  parts,  The  Captain  of  the 
Guard  ftept  up  to  Mr.  Church  and  told  him,  They  were 
making  Souldiers  for  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing 
was  all  one  Swearing  of  them™  and  having  in  that  manner 

216  u  The   principle   of  enliftment    is  he  chants  his  own  fong,  and  is  greeted 

fufficiently  well  preferved. ...  Each  war-  with  redoubling  jells.     Thefe  ceremo- 

rior  that  rifes  and  joins  the  war-dance,  nies  are  tantamount  to  '  enliftment,'  and 

thereby  becomes  a  volunteer  for  the  trip.  no  young  man  who  thus  comes  forward 

He  arms  and  equips  himfelf;    he  pro-  can    honorably    withdraw."      [School- 

vides  his  own  fuftenance ;   and  when  he  craft's  Information   refpefling  the  In- 

fteps   out    into    the    ring,   and   dances,  dian  Tribes  of  the  U.S.  vol.  ii :  59,  60.] 

99 


[  3°] 

ingaged  all  the  lufly  flout  men.  Awafiionks  &  her  chiefs 
came  to  Mr.  Church)  and  told  him,  That  now  they  were 
all  ingaged  to  fight  for  the  Englifh,  and  he  might  call  forth 
all,  or  any  of  them  at  any  time  as  he  faw  occafion  to  fight 
the  Enemy,  and  prefented  him  with  a  very  line  Firelock. 
Mr.  Church  accepts  their  offer,  drew  out  a  number  of 
them,  and  fet  out  next  Morning  before  day  for  Plymouth, 
where  they  arrived  fafe  the  fame  day. 

The  Governour  being  informed  of  it,  came  early  to 
Town  next  Morning :  and  by  that  time  he  had  Englifii 
Men  enough  to  make  up  a  good  Company,  when  joyned 
with  Mr.  Churches  Indians,  that  offered  their  Voluntary 
Service  to  go  under  his  Command  in  queft  of  the  Enemy. 
The  Governour  then  gave  him  a  Commiffion,  which  is  as 
follows, 

f~~* Aptain  Benjamin  Church,  you  are  hereby  Nominated^ 
^*-/  Ordered,  Commiffion? d,  and  Impowred  to  raife  a  Com- 
pany of  Volunteers  of  about  200  Men,  Englifh  and  Indians; 
the  Englifii  not  exceeding  the  number  of  60,  of  which  Com- 
pany, orfo  many  of  them  as  you  can  obtai7i,  orfiiallfee  caufe 
at  prcfent  to  improve,  y oil  are  to  take  the  command  and  con- 
dticl,  and  to  lead  them  forth  now  and  hereafter,  at  fuck  time, 
and  unto  fuch  places  within  this  Colony,  or  elfe  where,  within 
the  confederate  Colonies,  as  you  fiiall  think  fit ;  to  difcover, 
purftce,  fight,  furprize,  defiroy,  or  fubdue  our  Indian  Ene- 
mies, or  any  part  or  parties  of  them  that  by  the  Providence 
of  God  you  7nay  meet  with  ;  or  them  or  any  of  them  by 
treaty  and  compofition  to  receive  to  mercy,  if  you  fee  rcafon 


[3i  ] 

{provided  they  be  not  Murderous  Rogues,  or  fuck  as  have 
been  principal  A  clors  in  thofe  Villanies:)  And  for  a/much  as 
your  Company  may  be  uncertain,  and  [31]  the  Perfons  often 
changed,  You  are  alfo  hereby  impowred  with  advice  of  your 
Company  to  chufe  and  Commifjionate  a  Lieutenant,  and  to 
eflablifJi  Serjeants,  and  Corporals  as  you  fee  caufe :  And 
you  herein  improving  your  befl  judgment  and  difcretion  and 
titmojl  ability,  faithfully  to  Serve  the  Interefl  of  God,  His 
Majejly's  Interefl,  and  the  Interefl  of  the  Colony  ;  and  care- 
fully governing  your  faid  Company  at  home  and  abroad : 
thefefiall  be  unto  you  full  and  ample  Commijfwn,  Warrant 
and  Difcharge.     Given  under  the  Ptiblick  Seal,  this  2\th 

Day  of  July,   1676.217 

Per]oi.  Winflow,  GOV. 


217  There  is  a  miftake  in  the  infertion 
of  this  commiffion  here,  not  unnatural 
when  the  lapfe  of  time  before  the  record 
was  made,  is  taken  into  the  account. 
This  is  not  the  commiffion  which 
Church  firft  received,  and  on  which  he 
firft  went  out  (as  Judge  Davis  thought, 
inferring  a  mifprint  in  the  date,  of  the 
24th  for  the  14th  [Morton's  Memorial, 
449]  )  ;  but  that  "  enlarged  "  one  which 
was  afterwards  given  him.  This  is  ob- 
vious, firft,  from  its  date.  If  Church 
arrived  at  Plymouth  on  Friday,  7  July 
(fee  note  204),  he  muft  have  found 
Awalhonks  at  Mattapoifett  on  Saturday, 
8  July,  and  returned  to  Plymouth  on 
Sunday,  the  9th ;  in  which  cafe  the 
Governor  came  to  town  and  commii- 
fioned  him  on  Monday,  the  10th  July, 
and  he  fet  off  "  the  fame  night  into  the 


woods,"  on  his  firft  expedition  as  Cap- 
tain. There  are  no  data  for  abfolute 
certainty  as  to  this.  But  the  Colony 
Records  make  it  clear  that  he  muft 
have  been  out  on  at  leaft  one  fucceff- 
ful  expedition  before  the  trventy-fecond 
of  July,  becaufe  they  contain  a  Court 
order  of  that  date,  that  all  volunteers 
taking  prifoners  "  fhaj^  haue  the  one 
halfe  of  them  for  theire  pains  and  ven- 
ture, from  the  day  of  the  date  heerof, 
includcing  thofe  frifo)iers  alfoe  lajl 
brought  in  by  Benjamine  Church  and 
his  companie."  [Ptym,  Col.  Rec.  v : 
207.]  The  Rev.  Mr.  Walley,  alfo, 
writing  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cotton  [Davis's 
Morton's  Memorial,  p.  449]  under  date 
of  18  July,  1676,  fays,  "  I  am  glad  of 
the  fuccefs  Ben.  Church  hath;  it  is  the 
good  fruit  of  the  coming  in  of  Indians 


[3i   ] 

Receiving  Commiffion,  he  Marched  the  fame  Night  into 
the  Woods,  got  to  Middleberry™  before  day,219  and  as  foon 
as  the  light  appeared,  took  into  the  Woods  and  Swampy 
thickets,  towards  a  place  where  they  had  fome  reafon  to 
expe£t  to  meet  with  a  parcel  of  Narraga7ifet  Indians,  with 
fome  others  that  belonged  to  Mount-hope :  Coming  near 
to  where  they  expected  them,  Capt.  Church's  Indian 
Scout  difcovered  the  Enemy,  and  well  obferving  their 
fires,  and  poftures,  Returned  with  the  intelligence  to  their 
Captain,  who  gave  fuch  directions  for  the  furrounding  of 
them,  as  had  the  dire6t  effect;  furprizing  them  from 
every  fide  fo  unexpectedly,  that  they  were  all  taken,  not  fo 
much  as  one  efcaped.  And  upon  a  ftrick  examination, 
they  gave  intelligence  of  another  parcel  of  the  Enemy,  at 


to  us ;  thofe  that  come  in  are  conquered 
and  help  to  conquer  others."  But 
Church  had  done  nothing  in  this  cam- 
paign which  could  be  fo  referred  to, 
previous  to  his  fetting  off  into  the 
woods,  here  fpoken  of.  Therefore  Mr. 
Walley  muft  refer  to  the  remits  of  this 
expedition  to  Namasket  and  Monponfet, 
which  muft,  by  confequence,  have 
taken  place  between  the  ioth  and  iSth 
of  July.  It  will  be  feen,  alfo,  further 
on,  that  Church  twice  ftates  that  he 
kept  up  this  guerrilla  warfare  "  feveral 
weeks  " ;  and  then  proceeds  to  narrate, 
as  if  taking  place  fubfequently,  his  fet- 
ting out  for  Bridgewater  in  purfuit  of 
Philip;  which,  by  his  account,  was  on 
Sunday,  30th  July.  If  his  firft  expedi- 
tion was,  as  I  fuggeft  above,  on  Mon- 
day, the  ioth,  only  three  weeks  would 


intervene  to  make  good  his  "feveral." 
Then,  in  the  fecond  place,  the  very 
terms  of  the  commiflion  itfelf  ftiow  that 
it  was  that  "  enlarged  "  one  to  which  he 
fubfequently  refers ;  becaufe  it  gives  him 
authority  to  "  commiflionate  officers 
under  him,"  to  "  march  as  far  as  he 
lhould  fee  caufe,  within  the  limits  of 
the  three  United  Colonies,"  to  "  receive 
to  mercy,  give  quarter  or  not,  &c.  &c." 
[See  p.  104.] 

218  Middlcborough  is  a  very  large 
town,  whofe  eaftern  boundary  is  about 
10  miles  weft  of  the  village  of  Plymouth. 
Namajket  was  its  Indian  name,  —  from 
namas,  "  fiih  "  ;  namas-ohke-ut,  "  at  the 
filb-place  " :  that  portion  of  the  town 
which  ftill  bears  the  name,  being  a  noted 
filhing-place  among  the  Indians. 

219  Tuefday,  1 1  July,  1676  ? 


[3i  ] 

a  Place  called  Munponfet-Pond™  Capt.  Church  haftning 
with  his  Prifoners,  thro'  the  Woods  to  Plymouth,  difpofed 
of  them  all,  excepting  only  one  Jefifery,  who  proving  very 
ingenious  &  faithful  to  him,  in  informing  where  other  par- 
cels of  the  Indians  harboured  Capt.  Church  promifed  him, 
that  if  he  continued  to  be  faithful  to  him,  he  mould  not  be 
Sold  out  of  the  Country,  but  mould  be  his  waiting  man,  to 
take  care  of  his  Horfe,  &c.  and  accordingly  he  Served 
him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived. 

But  Capt.  Church  was  forth-with  fent  out  again;  and 
the  Terms  for  his  incouragement  being  concluded  on :  viz. 
That  the  Country  JJiould  find  them  Ammunition  &  Pro- 
vijion  ;  <3J  have  half  the  Prifoners,  &  Arms,  they  took :  The 
Captain  and  his  Englifli  Souldiers  to  have  the  other  half  of 
the  Prifoners,  and  Arms  ;  and  the  Indian  Souldiers  the  loofe 
Plunder.  Poor  incouragement !  But  after  fome  time  it 
was  mended. 

They  foon  Captivated  the  Mtmponfets?21  and  brought  in, 
not  one   efcaping.     This   ftroke   he   held  feveral  Weeks, 

220  Monponfet  (Moonponfct,  Mauni-  meaning  of  its  name,  Mr.  Trumbull 
penjing)  pond  is  an  irregularly  oblong  fays,  "  Monponfet  I  cannot  refolve." 
meet  of  water — perhaps  averaging  a  221  I  think  Church  ufes  this  term  here 
mile  and  a  quarter  in  length  by  three-  to  defignate  that  "parcel"  of  the  "Nar- 
quarters  of  a  mile  in  breadth,  and  al-  raganfetts  "  who  were  temporarily  en- 
moft  divided  into  two  equal  parts  by  a  camped  at  this  notable  filhing-place, 
tongue  of  land  running  down  from  its  rather  than  to  indicate  that  there  was 
northern  fhore  —  lying  in  the  northern  any  hoftile  tribe  of  that  name  having  a 
portion  of  the  town  of  Halifax,  Mafs.,  permanent  refidence  fo  near  to  Ply- 
near  to  its  junction  with  Hanfon  and  mouth,  and  deriving  their  defignation 
Pembroke,  and  about  10  miles  W.N.  from  this  pond.  I  find  no  trace  of  any 
W.  from  Plymouth.     In  regard  to  the  such  tribe  in  the  records. 

103 


[32  ] 

never  returning  empty  handed.  When  he  wanted  intelli- 
gence of  their  Kennelling  Places,  he  would  March  to  fome 
place  likely  to  meet  with  fome  travellers  or  ramblers,  and 
fcattering  his  Company,  would  lye  clofe;  and  feldom  lay 
above  a  day  or  two,  at  the  moft,  before  fome  of  them 
would  fall  into  their  hands :  Whom  he  would  compel  to 
inform,  where  their  Company  was;  and  fo  by  his  method 
of  fecret  and  fudden  furprizes  took  great  Numbers  of 
them  Prifoners.222 

The  Government  obferving  his  extraordinary  courage 
and  conduct,  and  the  fuccefs  from  Heaven  added  to  it, 
faw  caufe  to  inlarge  his  Commiffion;  gave  him  power  to 
raife,  and  difmifs  his  Forces,  as  he  mould  fee  occalion; 
[32]  to  Commiffionate  Officers  under  him,  and  to  March 
as  far  as  he  mould  fee  caufe,  within  the  limits  of  the  three 
United  Colonies:  to  receive  to  mercy,  give  quarter,  or 
not ;  excepting  fome  particular  &  noted  Murderers :  viz. 
Philip,  and  all  that  were  at  the  deftroying  of  Mr.  Clark's 
Garrifon,  and  fome  few  others223 

Major  Bradford  being  now  at  Taunton  with  his  Army 


224 

j 


222  The  arrangement  mentioned  Colony  Record  as  "  coepartenors  in  the 
above,  by  which  thofe  volunteers  re-  outrage  comitted  att  William  Clarke's 
ceived  one  half  of  the  value  of  the  houfe,  att  the  Eelriuer,  12  March,  1676." 
prifoners  and   arms  which  were  taken,  \_Plym.  Col.  Rcc.  v :  206.] 

as  their  pay  for  fervice ;  fheds  light  upon  224  By  the  kindnefs  of  Mr.  Haven  of 

their   efpecial    anxiety   to   capture   the  the  Antiquarian  Society  in  Worcefter, 

enemy  alive.  and  of  Judge  Collamore  of  Royalton, 

223  This  is  the  commiffion  dated  24th  Vt.,  I  am  in  poffeffion  of  copies  of  a 
July,  and  inferted  on  p.  100.  On  the  letter  written  from  Taunton,  on  the  16th 
21ft  July,  three  days  before,  the  names  of  this  month  by  Anthony  Collamore, 
of  eleven  Indians  were  placed  on  the  one  of  Bradford's  army  there,  giving 

104 


[32     ] 


and   wanting  Provilions;   fome  Carts  were   ordered  from 
Plymouth  for   their   fupply,   and  Capt.  Church   to    guard 


fome  account  of  their  procedure,  and 
fhedding  a  little  light  upon  what  has 
been  a  very  obfcure  portion  of  the  war. 
As  the  letter  has  never,  to  my  knowl- 
edge, been  printed,  I  infert  it  in  full :  — 

"  Tanton,  this  July  ye  16,  1676. 
[Sunday.] 
"  Deare  and  Loveing  Wife,  — After 
'  my  kind  love  to  you  prefented  hopeing 
'  thefe  will  find  jou  in  health,  as  blefied 
'  be  God  I  am  at  writing  hereof.  So 
'  likewife  are  all  our  Situate  men  &  ye 
'  reft  of  our  army.  Ye  feventh  [Mr. 
'  Haven's  copy  makes  this  '  twelfth,' 
'  and  Judge  Collamore  queries  whether 
'  it  be  '  feventh '  or  '  twelfth ;  '  but  the 
'connection  favors  the  former,]  day  of 
'  this  Inftant  wee  marched  from  tan- 
'  ton  towards  Swanfy  &  from  thence 
'  to  Matapoyfett  [Gardner's  neck,  fee 
'  note  48,  ante]  ;  &  fo  continued  in  ye 
'  perfuite  of  them  untill  ye  fourteenth 
'  day  of  ye  above-laid  Month;  and  wee 
'  haue  killed  &  taken  upwards  of  a  hun- 
'  dred  Indians ;  but  never  an  Englifh 
'  Man  flain  or  wounded,  only  one  or 
'  two  bewildered  in  y*  wood  &  fo  taken 
'  by  ye  enemy  [  *  *  *  MS.  illegible 
'  *  *  *  ],  nor  have  we  any  of  our 
'  Indians  flaine  or  wounded,  but  peter 
'  Mahalen  has  a  fmall  wound  in  his 
'belly;  wee  intend  to  be  in  perfute  of 
'  Phillip  tomorrow  againe,  we  have  per- 
'  fued  him  fo  clofe  y*  do  wee  almoft 
'  defpaire ;  wee  have  followed  him  very 
'  clofe  from  fwamp  to  fwamp,  fo  y'  he 
'  is  enforced  to  fly  with  a  very  fmall 
'  quantity  of  men   with   him    becaufe 

14  io5 


'wee  ftiall  not  find  him  out;  but  I 
'  hope  with  ye  Bleffing  of  God  wee  fhall 
'  accomplish  our  defire  y'  is  to  take 
'  him ;  thofe  captives  y'  wee  have  taken 
(*****  they  tell  us  y'  Robin 
'  Bradifh  &  Cornelias  y'  ftole  Mr. 
'  Cufhen's  cow,  are  gon  doune  between 
'  our  town  &  hingum  to  do  Mifchief 
'  there ;  y°  1  Ith  day  of  this  Inftant  there 
'was  about  a  100  Indians  made  an  on- 
'  fett  on  tanton  ;  they  had  burnt  only 
'  two  out  houfes  for  there  was  200 
'  Englifh  &  Indians  there  prefent, 
'  which  fruftrated  them  of  their  de- 
'  figne ;  fo  y'  they  have  killed  never 
'a  man  there;  but  they  have  killed 
'  one  man  fince ;  pray  prefent  my  fer- 
'  vice  to  my  Uncle  &  Aunt  with  my  duty 
'  to  my  father  and  mother  &  my  love 
'  to  my  children  &  brother  &  lifters  & 
'y°  reft  of  my  friends;  Sarg'  [Bar- 
'ker?  —  Deane's  Scituate,  129,  216]  is 
'  well  fiting  on  a  rock  eating  Biskett 
'  &  Cheefe  &  defires  to  be  remembered 
'  to  his  wife ;  this  being  all  at  prefent 
'  from 

"  Yo.  ever  Lo.  Husband, 
"Anthony  Collymer. 
"  pray  take  an  opportunity  to  gett  two 
"  bulhells  of  corn  ground  while  ye  wa- 
"  ter  lafts. 

"I  hope  there  in  no  fear  of  y°  In- 
"  dians  making  an  onfett  on  our  towne 
"  at  prefent." 

[Anthony  Collamore  was  nephew  to 
Peter,  one  of  the  firft  fettlers  of  Scitu- 
ate,  and  received,  by  his  will,  a  fhare  of 
his  eftate.     He  married,  in  1666,  Sarah, 


[3»  ] 

them.225  But  he  obtaining  other  guards  for  the  Carts,  as 
far  as  Middleborough,  ran  before  with  a  fmall  Company, 
hoping  to  meet  with  fome  of  the  Enemy,  appointing  the 
Carts  and  their  guards  to  meet  them  at  Nemafcut™ 
about  an  hour  after  the  Suns  rifing  next  Morning :  he 
arrived  there  about  the  breaking  of  the  day-light,  dis- 
covered a  company  of  the  Enemy;  but  his  time  was  too 
fhort  to  wait  for  gaining  advantage;  and  therefore  ran 
right  in  upon  them,  Surprized  and  Captivated  about  16  of 
them:  who  upon  examination,  inform'd,  That  Tifpaquin^11 


one  of  the  twin  daughters  of  Ifaac 
Chittenden,  and  had  five  children 
(Mary,  Peter,  Sarah,  Martha,  Eliza- 
beth). He  was  loft  on  a  coafting 
voyage  from  Scituate  to  Bofton,  16 
Dec.,  1693,  on  a  ledge  of  rocks  off  Scit- 
uate beach,  which,  to  this  day,  bears 
the  name  of  Collamore's  Ledge.  He 
was  commander  of  the  militia  of  the 
town  at  the  time,  and  was  buried  "  un- 
der arms."  —  [Deane's  Scituate,  239, 
240.] 

225  This  expedition  feems  to  have 
taken  place  20-27  July.  Increafe  Ma- 
ther, writing  under  date  of  Saturday, 
22  July,  fays :  "  This  week  alfo,  Capt. 
Church,  of  Plimouth,  with  a  fmall  party 
confifting  of  about  18  Engli/k  and  22 
Indians  [Hubbard  (p.  ioo)  gives  the 
fame  as  the  number  of  the  party]  had 
four  feveral  engagements  with  the  ene- 
my, &c";  going  on  to  fpeak  of  the 
capture  of  Tiaihq's  fquaw,  in  a  way  to 
identify  this  as  the  expedition  to  which 
he  refers.     \Brief  HiJIory,  42.] 

226  See  note   218,  ante.      The   exacl: 


place  in  Middleborough  here  intended, 

I  fuppofe  to  be,  fay  30  rods  above 
the  bridge  where  the  road  from  the 
Green  to  the  Four  Corners  croffes  the 
Nemasket  River;  where  were  rapids, 
and  near  which  is  now  the  Lower 
Factory,  or  Star  Mills. 

227  Tifpaquin  {Tufpaqnin,  abbrev. 
from  Watufpaquin,  alias  the  Black 
Sacheiri)  was  Sachem  of  Affawompfett, 
the  territory  furrounding  the  pond  of 
that  name  in  Middleborough.  He  re- 
ceived his  land  from  "  Pamontaquajk, 
the  Pond  Sachem  "  (who  was  probably 
his  father),  by  will  dated  29  Ocl:.,  1668. 
He  deeded  land,  9  Aug.,  1667,  to  Hen- 
ry Wood;  17  July,  1669,  with  his  fon 
William,  to  Experience  Mitchel  et  al. ; 
10  June,  1670,  to  Edward  Gray;  30 
June,  1672,  to  Edward  Gray  and  Jofias 
Window ;    in   1673,  to  John  Saufaman  ; 

II  Mar.,  1673,  to  Felix,  Saufaman's 
fon-in-law ;  3  July,  1673,  to  Benjamin 
Church  and  John  Tompfon ;  23  Dec, 
1673,  to  Saufaman's  daughter,  called 
AJfotvetough ;   1  March,  1674-5,  he  and 


106 


[32     ] 

a  very  famous  Captain  among  the  Enemy  was  at  AJfa- 
wompfet,  with  a  numerous  Company. 

But  the  Carts  muft  now  be  guarded,  and  the  oppor- 
tunity of  vifiting  Tifpaquin  muft  now  be  laid  afide:  The 
Carts  are  to  be  faithfully  guarded,  left  Tifpaquid  mould 
attack  them. 

Coming  towards  Taunton,  Capt.  Church  taking  two 
Men  with  him,  made  all  fpeed  to  the  Town;  and  coming 
to  the  River  fide,228  he  hollow'd,  and  inquiring  of  them  that 
came  to  the  River,  for  Maj.  Bradford,  or  his  Captains;  he 
was  inform'd,  they  were  in  the  Town,  at  the  Tavern.  He 
told  them  of  the  Carts  that  were  coming,  that  he  had  the 
cumber  of  guarding  of  them,  which  had  already  prevented 
his  improving  opportunities  of  doing  Service.  Pray'd 
therefore  that  a  guard  might  be  fent  over  to  receive  the 
Carts,  that  he  might  be  at  liberty;  refufing  all  invitations 
and  perfwafions,  to  go   over  to  the  Tavern,  to  vilit  the 


his  fon  William  bail  Tobias  —  accufed  prefumed  to  have  travelled,  took  fome- 

(and    afterwards   convicted)    of  Saufa-  thing  of  the  general  courfe  now  taken 

man's  murder  —  in  lands  to  the  value  by   the    Middleborough    and    Taunton 

of  £100;    14  May,   1675,  they  fell  Affa-  R.R.,  running  fouth  of  that  cul-de-fac 

wompfett  neck  to  John  Tompfon  et  al.,  in  which  the  Taunton  River  enclofes  a 

as    a    fecurity    againft    the    claims    of  fouth-eaft  portion  of  Raynham,  ftriking 

others.      In  the  fpring  of  1676  he  was  the  river  for  croffing  a  few  rods  above 

at  the  head  of  fome  300  men,  and  had  the     place    where     it     receives     Little 

a  hand  in  the  attempt  to  burn  Scituate,  River,  and  there  connecting,  as  I   am 

20    April,    and    Bridgewater,    8    May.  informed,  with  what   is   now  Summer 

[Ply»i.    Col.   Rec.   xii :    229,   230,    235 ;  St.      From  the  eaft  bank  of  the  river, 

v:    159;   Drake's  Book  of  the  Ind.  193,  where  he  now  "  hollow'd,"  to  the  town 

194,  241,  242.]  and    the    "  tavern,"    muft    have    been 

•£&  -phe  qJj  roacj  from  Middleborough  probably  a  third  of  a  mile,  or  a  little 

to  Taunton,  on  which  Church  may  be  more. 

107 


[33  ] 

Major:  he  at  length  obtained  a  guard  to  receive  the  Carts; 
by  whom  alfo  he  fent  his  Prifoners  to  be  convey'd  with 
the  Carts  to  Plymouth,  directing  them  not  to  return  by  the 
way  they  came,  but  by  Bridgwater™ 

Haftening  back  he  purpofed  to  Camp  that  Night  at 
AJfawompfet  Neck.230  But  as  foon  as  they  came  to  the 
River  that  runs  into  the  great  Pond  thro'  the  thick  Swamp 
at  the  entering  of  the  Neck;231  the  Enemy  fired  upon 
them,  but  hurt  not  a  Man.  Capt.  Churches  Indians  ran 
right  into  the  Swamp  and  fired  upon  them,  but  it  being  in 
the  dusk  of  the  Evening,  the  Enemy  made  their  efcape 
in  the  thickets:  The  Captain  then  moving  about  a  Mile 
into  the  Neck,  took  the  advantage  of  a  fmall  Valley  to 
feed  his  Horfes;  fome  held  the  Horfes  by  the  Bridles,  the 
reft  on  the  guard  look'd  fharp  out  for  the  Enemy,  within 
hearing  on  every  fide,  and  fome  very  near;  but  in  the 
dead  of  the  Night,  the  Enemy  being  out  of  hearing,  or 
ftill,  Capt.  Church  moved  out  of  the  Neck  (not  the  fame 
way  he  came  in,  leaft  he   fhould  be  Ambuf  [33]cado'd) 

229  The  road  from  Taunton  to  Pljm-  on  the  weft ;  fome  four  miles  in  length, 

outh  by  Bridgewater,  to  which  Church  and  varying  from  two  miles  to  80  rods 

here  refers,  appears  to  have  taken  a  tol-  in  width.      This    narroweft   part   is    at 

erably  ftraight  courfe  in  a  north-north-  the    northern    entrance    to    the    neck, 

eafterly  direction  to  what  is  now  Weft  where   Long   Pond    and   Affawompfett 

Bridgewater,    and    then    bore    away    a  come  near  together,  and  are  connected 

little  fouth  of  eaft  toward  Plymouth —  by  a  little  brook. 

through  what  are  now  Halifax,  North  231  The  brook  referred  to  in  the  laft 

Plympton,  and  Kingfton.  note,  which  croffes   the   road    to   New 

2SD  The  land,  in  what  is  now  the  town  Bedford  a  little  fouth  of  what  has  long 

of   Lakeville,    inclofed    between    Affa-  been  known  as  Sampfon's  Tavern ;  now 

wompfett    and  Great   Quitticas   Ponds  dignified  as  the  Lakeville  Houfe. 
on  the  eaft  and  north,  and  Long  Pond 

108 


[33  ] 

toward  Cujhnet^  where  all  the  Houfes  were  burnt;  and 
croffing  Cujhnet  River,233  being  extreamly  fategued,  with 
two  Nights  and  one  Days  ramble  without  Reft  or  Sleep; 
and  obferving  good  forage  for  their  Horfes,  the  Captain 
concluded  upon  baiting,  and  taking  a  Nap.  Setting  Six 
Men  to  watch  the  paffage  of  the  River,  two  to  watch  at  a 
time,  while  the  other  flept,  &  fo  to  take  their  turns;  while 
the  reft  of  the  Company  went  into  a  thicket  to  Sleep  under 
the  guard  of  two  Sentinels  more.  But  the  whole  Com- 
pany being  very  drowfy,  foon  forgot  their  danger,  and 
were  faft  a-fleep,  Sentinels,  and  all.  The  Captain  firft 
awakes,  looks  up,  and  judges  he  had  flept  four  Hours, 
which  being  longer  than  he  defigned,  immediately  roufes 
his  Company,  and  fends  away  a  file  to  fee  what  were 
become  of  the  watch  at  the  paffage  of  the  River,  but  they 
no  fooner  opened  the  River  in  fight,  but  they  difcovered  a 
company  of  the  Enemy  viewing  of  their  traces,  where  they 
came  into  the  Neck;234  Capt.  Church  and  thofe  with  him 
foon   difpers'd  into  the  brufh  on   each    fide  of  the   way, 


232    Cii/knet  (AcuJ/wet,  AccuJ/7ianeck,  of  1675,  —  as,  fee  note  109,  «»/<?.    \_Plym. 

Acu/Jic7iah,    Cu/henah,    CuJJicneti)    was  Col.  Rcc.  iv :  65.] 

the  name  of  the  firft  fettlement  made  at  233  They  came  down  on  the  eaft  fide 
the  head  of  Acufhnet  inlet,  three  miles  of  the  river,  and,  where  it  runs  into  tide- 
north  of  New  Bedford,  where  the  river  water,  crofted  to  the  weftern  fide,  on 
meets  the  tide.  It  is  about  n£  miles  their  way  to  Ruflell's  garriibn  at  Pona- 
almoft  due  fouth  of  that   fpot   in   the  ganfet. 

neck  where  Church  paufed  to  feed  his  234  The  neck  between  the  great  cedar 

horfes.      With  Ponaganfctt  and   Coak-  fwamp  and  the  Pafcamanfet  River,  on 

J'ett  it  had  been  conftituted  a  townlhip,  the   weft,    and    the    head    of  Acufhnet 

named  Dartmouth,  8  June,   1664;    and  inlet    (now   New-Bedford    Harbor)    on 

burned   by  the  Indians  in  the  fummer  the  eaft. 

109 


[33  ] 

while  the  file  fent,  got  undifcovered  to  the  paffage  of  the 
River,  and  found  their  watch  all  faft  a  fleep:  but  thefe 
Tidings  thoroughly  awakened  the  whole  Company.  But 
the  Enemy  giving  them  no  prefent  difturbance,  they  ex- 
amined their  Snapfacks,  and  taking  a  little  refrefhment, 
the  Captain  orders  one  party  to  guard  the  Horfes,  and  the 
other  to  Scout,235  who  foon  met  with  a  Track,  and  follow- 
ing of  it,  they  were  bro't  to  a  fmall  company  of  Indians, 
who  proved  to  be  Little  Eyes,  and  his  Family,  and  near 
Relations,  who  were  of  Soghonate,  but  had  forfaken  their 
Country  men,  upon  their  making  Peace  with  the  EngliJJi. 
Some  of  Capt.  Churches  Indians  asked  him,  If  he  did  not 
know  that  Fellow  ?  Told  him,  This  is  the  Rogue  that 
would  have  killed  you  at  Awafhonks  Dance J286  and  lignified 
to  him  that  now  he  had  an  opportunity  to  be  revenged  on 
him.  But  the  Captain  told  them,  It  was  not  Englifi-mans 
faf/iion  to  feek  revenge ;  and  that  he  fliould  have  the  fame 
qtiarter  the  reft  had.  Moving  to  the  River  fide,  they  found 
an  old  Canoo,  with  which  the  Captain  ordered  Little  Eyes 
and  his  company  to  be  carryed  over  to  an  Ifland;237  Telling 
him,  he  would  leave  him  on  that  Ifland  until  he  returned  \ 


235  The j  muft  have  fcouted  over  the  the  fouthernmoft  wharves  of  the  latter, 
ground  where  the  city  of  New  Bedford  Fiih,  Pope's,  and  Crow  Iflands,  nearly 
now  ftands.  a  mile  further  up,  would  not  have  en- 

236  See  note  19,  ante.  abled  Lightfoot  to  look  over  upon  Scon- 

237  Probably  what  is  now  called  Palm-  ticut  neck,  as  he  feems  next  day  to  have 
er's  Ifland,  on  which  the  inner  light-  done ;  but  the  narrow  entrance  to  that 
houfe  ftands,  midway  of  the  channel,  neck  is  in  plain  fight,  two  miles  due 
juft  as  it  narrows  between  Fair  Haven  eaft  from  the  lower  extremity  of  Palm- 
and  New  Bedford,  and  in  the  range  of  er's. 


[34] 

and  left  the  Englifti  ftwuld  light  on  them,  and  kill  them,  he 
would  leave  his  coujin  Light-foot238  {whom  the  Englifti  knew 
to  be  their  Friend}  to  be  his  guard.  Little  Eyes  expreffed 
himfelf  very  thankful  to  the  Captain.  He  leaving  his 
orders  with  Light-foot,  returns  to  the  Rivers  fide  towards 
Poneganfet,  to  Ruftels  Orchard,239  coming  near  the  Orchard 
they  clap'd  into  a  thicket  and  there  lodg'd  the  reft  of  the 
Night  without  any  fire;  and  upon  the  Morning  light 
appearing,  moves  towards  the  Orchard,  difcovers  fome  of 
the  Enemy,  who  had  been  there  the  day  before,  and  had 
beat  down  all  the  Apples,  and  carryed  them  away;  dif- 
covered  alfo  where  they  had  lodg'd  that  Night,  and  faw 
the  ground  where  they  fet  their  baskets  bloody,  being  as 
they  fuppofed  and  as  it  was  afterwards  difcovered  to  be 
with  the  flefh  of  Swine,  &c.  which  they  had  killed  that 
day:  They  had  lain  under  [34]  the  Fences  without  any 
fires;  and  feem'd  by  the  marks  they  left  behind  them  to 
be  very  numerous,  perceived  alfo  by  the  dew  on  the  grafs 
that  they  had  not  been  long  gone;  and  therefore  mov'd 
a-pace  in  purfuit  of  them.  Travelling  three  Miles,  or 
more,  they  came  into  the  Country  Road,  where  the  track 
parted,  one  parcel  fleered  towards  the  Weft  end  of  the 
great  Cedar    Swamp,   and   the    other   to  the   Eafl   end.240 

233  Lightfoot  appears  to  have  been  24°  The  three  miles  feem  to  have 
one  of  Awafhonks'  Indians  who  volun-  brought  them  near  to  what  is  now 
teered  at  Mattapoifet  (p.  99).  Church  known  as  the  village  of  North  Dart- 
afterwards  gave  him  the  title  of  cap-  mouth.  The  eaftern  path  Ikirting  the 
tain.  He  fought  with  Church  in  the  fwamp  ran  over  toward  Acufhnet;  the 
firft  expedition  eaft,  in  1689.  weftern  would  feem  to  have  led  up  near 
See  note  no,  ante.  where   Turner's    Mills    now   ftand,   on 

in 


w^wwla.il.  wmm 


[34  ] 


The  Captain  halted  and  told  his  Indian  Souldiers,  That 
they  had  heard  as  well  as  he,  what  fome  Men  had  /aid  at 
Plymouth  about  them,  &c.  That  now  was  a  good  oppor- 
tunity for  each  party  to  prove  them/elves  :  The  Track  being 
divided  they  JJwuld  follow  one,  and  the  EnglifJi  the  other, 
being  eqtial  in  number.  The  Indians  declined  the  Motion, 
and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where  without  him; 
faid,  they  fJiould  not  think  themf elves  fafe  without  him.  But 
the  Captain  infifting  upon  it,  they  fubmitted;  he  gave  the 
Indians  their  choice  to  follow  which  track  they  pleafed; 
they  replyed,  They  were  light  and  able  to  Travel,  therefore 
if  he  pleafed  they  would  take  the  Wefl  Track.  And  ap- 
pointing the  Ruins  of  John  Cooks  Houfe  at  Cufhnet^   for 


the  weftern  fide  of  the  Pafcamanfet 
River,  toward  Saffaquin's  Pond.  The 
diftance  round  to  the  rendezvous  at 
Acuihnet,  by  the  latter,  was  much  the 
greater,  and  on  this  account  the  Indians 
chofe  it,  becaufe  "they  were  light  and 
able  to  travel." 

241  John  Cooke  was  fon  of  Francis, 
and  came  in  the  Mayflower  with  his 
father;  married  28  March,  1634,  Sarah, 
daughter  of  Richard  Warren ;  was  dea- 
con of  the  Plymouth  Church,  but  was 
caft  out,  in  the  latter  part  of  Mr.  Rey- 
ner's  miniftry,  for  "  having  been  the 
author  of  much  difTenfion  and  divifion, 
and  for  afterwards  running  into  fecla- 
rian  and  anabaptiftical  principles"; 
had  a  grant  of  land  in  Dartmouth,  in 
June,  1664;  became  one  of  the  firft 
fettlers  of  Aculhnet ;  was  deputy  from 
there  in  1666,  1667,  1668,  1673,  1674, 
1675,  1678,  1679,  x68o,  1681,  16S3,  and 


1686;  was  authorized  as  a  magiftrate 
there  in  1667,  1684,  and  1689;  had  a 
controverfy  with  fome  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Dartmouth  in  regard  to  "  Ram 
Iiland,"  which  was  fettled  by  the  Court, 
1  July,  1672 ;  died  at  Dartmouth,  23 
Nov.,  1695,  probably  the  only  one  of  the 
paflengers  on  board  the  Mayflower  who 
lived  through  the  entire  exiftence  of  the 
Plymouth  Colony !  Backus  fays  he  be- 
came a  Baptift  minifter  and  "preached 
the  doctrine  of  election,  with  the  other 
doctrines  of  fovereign  grace  in  Dart- 
mouth for  a  number  of  years  " ;  and 
thinks  he  founded  the  Baptift  Church, 
near  the  borders  of  Tiverton  and  Dart- 
mouth, in  1685.  His  houfe  —  whofe  ruins 
are  here  referred  to  —  was  fituated  on  the 
Fair-Haven  fide  of  the  Aculhnet,  about 
a  mile  north  of  the  New-Bedford  and 
Fair-Haven  Bridge,  and  about  a  third 
of  a  mile  eaft  of  the  river,  in  what  is 


[  34  ] 


the  place  to  meet  at ;  each  Company  fet  out  briskly  to  try 
their  Fortunes.  Capt.  Church  with  his  EnglifJi  Soldiers 
followed  their  Track  until  they  came  near  entring  a  miery 
Swamp,  when  the  Capt.  heard  a  Whiitle  in  the  Rear, 
(which  was  a  note  for  a  halt)  looking  behind  him,  he  faw 
William  Fobes™  ftart  out  of  the  Company  and  made 
towards  him,  who  haflen'd  to  meet  him  as  faft  as  he 
could;  Fobes  told  him  they  had  difcovered  abundance  of 
Indians,  and  if  he  pleafed  to  go  a  few  fteps  back  he  might 
fee  them  himfelf:  he  did  fo,  and  faw  them  a-crofs  the 
Swamp,  obferving  them,  he  perceived  they  were  gather- 


now  called  u  Brimblecome's  Orchard." 
The  lite  is  almoft  direclly  oppoiite  the 
houfe  of  Mr.  J.  M.  Howland  now  {land- 
ing, and  is  a  few  rods  fouth  of  the 
Woodfide  Cemetery.  A  block-houfe 
alio  flood  upon  his  land,  perhaps  half 
way  from  his  houfe  to  the  river.  His 
farm  was  bounded  on  the  weft  by  the 
Acufhnet,  and  ran  back  toward  the  eaft 
a  mile  and  a  half  or  more,  and  north 
and  fouth  at  leaft  as  far,  his  houfe  be- 
ing pretty  nearly  in  the  center  of  it 
north  and  fouth.  [Savage's  Gen.  Dicl. 
i:  447;  Plym.  Col.  Fee.  iv :  67,  122, 
14S,  153,  163,  180;  v:  93,  97,  114,  144, 
165,  256;  vi :  10,  36,  61,  106,  147,  1S6, 
217;  Ricketfon's  Hift.  New  Bedford, 
35,  314;  Backus's  Hijl.  N.  E.  ii :  16,  iS; 
Abridgment  of  do.  135  ;  MS.  letters 
from  Mr.  F.  B.  Dexter  and  Mr.  Geo.  H. 
Taber.] 

242  William  Fobes  (Fobbes,  Vobes, 
Forbes)  was  the  fourth  fon  of  John 
Fobes  (and  Conftant,  filter  of  Experi- 
ence Mitchel),  who  was  one  of  the  early 

IS  "3 


fettlers  at  Duxbury,  and  fubfequently 
one  of  the  original  proprietors  of 
Bridgewater,  where  he  fettled  and  died 
about  1661.  William  married,  about 
1667,  Elizabeth,  youngeft  daughter  of 
Conftant  Southworth  of  Duxbury,  — 
who  feems  to  have  been  oppofed  to  the 
match,  putting  this  item  into  his  will : 
"  I  will  and  bequeath  unto  my  daughter 
E.  S.  my  next  beft  bed  and  furniture, 
with  my  wife's  beft  bed,  provided  ihee 
doe  not  marry  William  Fobbes ;  but  if 
Ihee  doe,  then  to  have  five  millings." 
William  was,  of  courfe,  at  the  time  of 
this  Indian  campaign,  a  brother-in-law 
of  Church.  He  afterwards  fettled  at 
Little  Compton  —  I  do  not  know  wheth- 
er on  the  land  there  allotted  to  his  elder 
brother,  Edward,  who  took  it  among 
the  fir  ft  grantees  in  his  father's  right 
(fee  note  7))  —  and  went  commiffary 
with  Maj.  Church,  in  the  third  expedi- 
tion eaft,  in  1692.  [Savage's  Gen. 
Did.  ii  :  177;  Winfor's  Dtixbury,  25S, 
314;    Mitchell's  Bridgewatcr,   159.] 


[34] 

ing  of  Hurtle- Berries,  and  that  they  had  no  apprehenfions 
of  their  being  fo  near  them;  The  Captain  fuppofed  them 
to  be  chiefly  Women,  and  therefore  calling  one  Mr.  Dil- 
/ano,2*3  who  was  acquainted  with  the  ground,  and  the 
Indian  Language,  and  another  named  Mr.  Barns  ;m  with 
thefe  two  Men  he  takes  right  thro'  the  Swamp  as  faft  as 
he  could,  and  orders  the  reft  to  haften  after  them.     Capt. 


248  I  think  this  was  Jonathan  Delano 
(DeJLauney,  DeLa  JVoye,  Delanoy,  Dal- 
lanoy,  Dellano,  Delanoe),  fon  of  Philip, 
who  came  in  the  Fortune,  in  162 1,  and 
was  one  of  the  firft  fettlers  of  Duxbury. 
Jonathan  was  born  in  1648,  and  was 
confequently  near  28  years  of  age  at 
this  time.  He  married,  26  Feb.,  1678, 
Mercy,  daughter  of  Nathaniel  Warren, 
of  Plymouth,  and  had  eleven  children. 
He  became  one  of  the  early  fettlers  of 
Dartmouth  (probably  in  his  father's 
right  of  one  lhare  among  the  36  origi- 
nal proprietors,  in  1652),  which  would 
account  for  his  being  "  acquainted  with 
the  ground."  He  was  "  commiffion- 
ated "  lieutenant  (as  I  judge  for  his 
military  experience  in  this  war),  20 
May,  1690;  was  conftable,  town  clerk, 
surveyor,  selectman,  and,  in  16S9,  dep- 
uty from  Dartmouth.  He  died  28  Dec, 
1720;  and  his  graveftone  ftill  remains 
in  the  old  Acufhnet  burying-ground. 
[Winfor's  Duxbury,  251 ;  Ricketfon's 
Neiv  Bedford,  208,  386 ;  Savage's  Gen. 
Did.  ii :  34.] 

244  The  clew  to  identification  here  is 
flight  ;  but  Church's  Englilh  foldiers 
on  this  expedition,  were  likelieft  to  be 
of  Plymouth  and  its  vicinity ;  and  the 
Barnes  known  to  me  as  beft  fulfilling 


this  and  other  natural  conditions,  is 
Jonathan,  fecond  fon  of  John,  of  Ply- 
mouth, 1632  (probably  of  Yarmouth, 
1639),  who  married  Mary  Plummer. 
Jonathan  was  born  3  June,  1643,  anc* 
was,  confequently,  at  this  time,  a  little 
more  than  33  years  of  age.  In  March, 
1664-5,  with  his  father,  he  had  a  con- 
troverfy  with  Mr.  Maherlhalalhafhbaz 
(an  extraordinary  chriftening  borrowed 
from  Isa.  viii :  1.)  Dyer,  of  Newport, 
R.-L,  in  regard  to  a  floop;  in  which 
he  got  the  worft  of  it,  to  the  amount 
of  £13  and  his  own  cofts.  He  mar- 
ried, 4  Jan.,  1665,  Elizabeth,  daugh- 
ter of  William  Hedge,  of  Yarmouth, 
and  had  eleven  children.  29  Oc5t., 
1671,  he  was  appointed,  with  the 
widow,  adminiftrator  on  his  father's 
eftate ;  3  June,  1673,  the  Court  gave 
him,  with  another,  liberty  to  act  as 
guardian  of  the  children  of  his  fifter  Ma- 
ry, who  had  married  Robert  Marfhall ; 
in  1677  he  was  conftable  of  Plymouth ; 
in  1679  and  16S4  he  ferved  on  coroner's 
juries,  and  in  1667,  1672,  16S1,  16S4, 
and  1685,  on  trial  juries.  [Savage's 
Gen.  Did.  i :  1 21  ;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v: 
81,  216,  231;  vi :  8,  14S;  vii :  121,  136, 
172,  242,  243,  2S5,  298;  viii:  31;  Free- 
man's Hist.  Cape  Cod,  ii :  16,  1S6.] 


114 


[34] 


Church  with  Dillano  &  Bams  having  good  Horfes,  fpur'd 
on  and  where  foon  among  the  Thickeft  of  the  Indians,  and 
out  of  light  of  their  own  Men :  Among  the  Enemy  was  an 
Indian  Woman  (who  with  her  Husband  had  been  drove 
off  from  Rhode- •I/land')  notwithftanding  they  had  an  Houfe 
upon  Mr.  Sanford\  Land,245  and  had  planted  an  Orchard 
before  the  War;  yet  the  Inhabitants  would  not  be  fatif- 
fyed  till  they  were  fent  off;246  and  Capt.  Church  with  his 
Family,  living  then  at  the  faid  Sanfords,  came  acquainted 
with  them,  who  thought  it  very  hard  to  turn  off  fuch  old, 


245  Peleg  Sanford  [Saudford,  Sam- 
ford']  was  fon  of  John,  who  was  one  of 
the  earlieft  fetilers  of  Rhode-Ifland. 
He,  before  1665,  married  Mary,  daugh- 
ter of  Gov.  Brenton ;  was  admitted 
freeman  at  Newport,  1666;  was  made 
affiftant  in  1667,  and  again  in  later 
years ;  1667  was  chofen  captain  of  a 
troop  of  horfe ;  was  appointed  a  Com- 
miffioner  to  England  in  the  fame  year, 
but  did  not  go;  was  General  Treafurer 
in  1678,  and  afterward  ;  was  elected 
Major  of  all  troops  on  the  ifland  in 
1679 ;  was  chofen  Governor,  on  Cran- 
fton's  death  in  1680,  and  again  in 
1681,  1682,  and  1683,  "when  he  declined; 
came  near  being  Willed  by  pirates,  in 
1682 ;  was  chofen  to  go  to  England  for 
the  Colony  in  1683,  ar,d  had  an  Admi- 
ralty commiffion  from  the  king  in 
1697-8,  followed  by  a  correfpondence 
with  Lord  Bellemont.  It  is  not  known 
when  he  died.  His  houfe  was  in  New- 
port. [Savage's  Gen.  Did.  iv :  15; 
R.-I.  Col.  Rec.  ii :  147,  186,  218,  241, 
565;  iii:  5,  8,  30,  So,  83,  97,  106,  120, 
i34>  394-J 


•246  Thg  following  order  of  the  Court, 
paffed  13  March,  1675-6,  will  fliow  the 
ftate  of  feeling  then  exifting  on  the 
ifland  in  regard  to  the  refidence  of  In- 
dians among  them:  "This  Affembly 
doe  order,  that  whatfoever  perfon  in 
Rhode  Ifland,  or  elfewhere  in  this  Col- 
lony,  that  hath  either  Indian  or  Indians 
in  his  cuitody,  from  12  yeares  old  and 
upward,  fhall  be  bound  in  the  daytime 
(if  he  goeth  abroad  from  his  houfe),  to 
have  a  fufficient  keeper  in  company 
with  him,  and  to  be  locked  up  in  the 
night  in  a  fufficient  place  of  fecurity; 
and  that  if  any  fuch  Indian  be  found 
without  fuch  keeper  in  the  day  or  lockt 
up  in  the  night  as  abovefaid,  all  fuch 
matter  foe  offendinge  fhall  forfeitt  £5 ; 
twenty-five  fliillings  fhall  be  to  him 
that  can  take  an  Indian  foe  offendinge, 
and  bring  him  before  the  Governor,  or 
any  magiftrate ;  or  by  two  fufficient 
witneffes  to  teftify  againft  the  offender, 
and  the  remainder  to  the  Generall 
Treafury."  This  order  was  published 
"by  beate  of  drum."  [R.-I.  Col.  Rcc. 
ii :  534-] 


"5 


[35  ] 

quiet  People :  but  in  the  end  it  prov'd  a  Providence  &  an 
advantage  to  him  and  his  Family,  as  you  may  fee  after- 
wards. This  Indian  Woman  knew  Capt.  Church,  and  as 
foon  as  fhe  faw  him,  held  up  both  her  hands  and  came 
running  towards  him,  crying  aloud,  Church,  Church, 
Church.  Capt.  Church  bid  her  flop  the  reft  of  the  In- 
dians,  and  tell  them,  The  way  to  fave  their  Lives  was  not  to 
run,  but  yield  them/elves  Prifoners,  and  he  would  not  kill 
them;  [35]  fo  with  her  help,  and  Dillano^s,  who  could  call 
to  them  in  their  own  Language,  many  of  them  flop'd 
and  furrendred  themfelves  ;  others  fcampering  and  catling 
away  their  baskets,  &c.  betook  themfelves  to  the  thickets, 
but  Capt.  Church  being  on  Horfe-back  foon  came  up 
with  them,  and  laid  hold  on  a  Gun  that  was  in  the  hand  of 
one  of  the  foremoft  of  the  company,  pull'd  it  from  him, 
and  told  him  he  mufl  go  back.  And  when  he  had  turned 
them,  he  began  to  look  about  him  to  fee  where  he  was, 
and  what  was  become  of  his  Company,  hoping  they  might 
be  all  as  well  imploy'd  as  himfelf,  but  could  find  none  but 
Dillano,  who  was  very  bufy  gathering  up  Prifoners;  the 
Captain  drove  his  that  he  had  ftop'd  to  the  reft,  inquiring 
of  Dillano  for  their  Company,  but  could  have  no  news  of 
them.  But  moving  back  picked  up  now  and  then  a  skulk- 
ing Prifoner  by  the  way.  When  they  came  near  the  place 
where  they  firft  ftarted  the  Indians,  they  difcover'd  their 
Company  flanding  in  a  body  together,  and  had  taken  fome 
few  Prifoners;  when  they  faw  their  Captain,  they  haftened 

to  meet  him  :  They  told  him  they  found  it  difficult  getting 

116 


[  35  ] 

thro'  the  Swamp,  and  neither  feeing  nor  hearing  any  thing 
of  him,  they  concluded  the  Enemy  had  kill  d  him,  and 
were  at  a  great  lofs  what  to  do.  Having  brought  their 
Prifoners  together  they  found  they  had  taken  and  kill'd  66 
of  the  Enemy.  Capt.  Church  then  ask'd  the  old  Squaw, 
What  company  they  belonged  unto  ?  She  laid,  They  be- 
longed part  to  Philip,  and  part  to  Qunuappin™  and  the 
Narraganfet-Sachem™  difcovered  alfo  upon  her  declar- 
ation that  both  Philip  and  Qunnappin  wTere  about  two 
Miles  off  in  the  great  Cedar  Swamp;249  he  enquired  of 
her,  What  company  they  had  with  them  ?  She  anfwered, 
Abundance  of  Indians  :  The  Swamp,  fhe  faid,  was  full  of 
Indians  from  one  end  ttnto  the  other ;  that  were  fettled  there, 
that  there  were  near  an  ioo  men  came  from  the  Swamp  with 
them,  and  left  them  upon  that  plain  to  gather  Hurtle-berry's, 
and promifed  to  call  them  as  they  came  back  out  of  Sconticut- 
Neck,250  whither  they  went  to  kill  Caltel  and  Horfes  for 

247  Qiiinnafiin^PanoquiniSoxvagoni/h,  at  Dedham,  25-27  July,  and  who — 
tf-c.)  was  a  Narraganfett,  and  nephew  doubtlefs  with  his  followers — was  like- 
of  jMiantunnomok.  He  became  an  ally  ly  to  have  been  at  this  time  with 
of  Philip,  —  one  of  his  three  wives  Philip.  [Drake's  Book  of  Ind.  257.] 
being  a  lifter  of  Wootonckaniifke,  Phil-  249  That,  as  I  fuppofe,  which  is  ft  111 
ip's  wife,  —  was  in  the  Narraganfett  called  by  this  name,  two  or  three  miles 
fwamp  fight,  and  aided  in  the  attack  north-weft  of  the  city  of  New  Bedford, 
on  Lancafter,  10  Feb.,  1675;  purchaf-  and  through  which  the  road  to  Turner's 
ing  Mrs.  Rowlandfon  of  the  Narragan-  Mills  now  paffes. 

fett  who  captured  her  at  that  time.     He  250  The  fouthern  portion  of  the  town 

was  taken  foon  after  the  time   of  his  of  Fair  Haven,  projecting  like  a  finger 

prefent  mention,  and  was  fhot  at  New-  pointing  toward  the  Elizabeth  Iilands, 

port,  on    fentence  of  a  Court-martial,  —  fome   3    miles    long  by  an    average 

25  Auguft,  1676.    [Drake's  Book  of  Ind.  breadth  of  near  \  of  a  mile,  and  forming 

239;  R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll.  iii :   173.]  the  eaftern   boundary  of  New-Bedford 

248  Poffibly  Pumham,  who  was  killed  Harbor. 

117 


[35  ] 

Provijions  for  the  company.  She  perceiving  Capt.  Church 
move  towards  the  Neck,  told  him,  If  they  went  that  way 
they  would  all  be  kilPd.  He  ask'd  her,  Where-about  they 
croffed  the  River  ?  She  pointed  to  the  upper  palling 
place.251  Upon  which  Capt.  Church  paffed  over  fo  low 
down  as  he  thought  it  not  probable  they  mould  meet  with 
his  Track  in  their  return;252  and  haftened  towards  the 
Ifl.and,  where  he  left  Little  Eyes,  with  Light-foot.2^  Find- 
ing a  convenient  place  by  the  River  fide  for  the  Securing 
their  Prifoners,254  Capt.  Church  and  Mr.  Dillano  went 
down  to  fee  what  was  become  of  Capt.  Light-foot,  and  the 
Prifoners  left  in  his  charge.  Light-foot  feeing  and  know- 
ing them,  foon  came  over  with  his  broken  Canoo;255  and 
inform'd  them,  That  he  had feen  that  day  about  ioo  Men  of 
the  Enemy  go  down  into  Sconticut  Neck,  and  that  they 
were  now  returning  again  :  Upon  which  they  three  ran 
down  immediately  to  a  Meadow  where  Light-foot  faid  the 
Indians  had  paifed;  where  they  not  only  faw  their  Tracks, 
but  alfo  them:   Where-upon  they  lay  clofe  until  the  En- 


251  The  "  upper  paffing  place  "  was  to  fwim  not  more  than  ioo  yds.  This 
where  Church  and  his  company  had  is  juft  north  of  the  Wamfutta  Mills  in 
croffed,  the  night  before,  probably  about  New  Bedford. 

where  the  bridge  now  is,  at  the  Head  253  See  note  238,  ante. 

of  the  River.     [See  note  233,  ante.~\  254  Probably  juft  above  Mill    Creek, 

252  Any  lower  croffing  could  hardly  which  flows  into  the  Acufhnet  juft  be- 
have been  accompliihed,  even  at  ebb  low  the  prefent  New-Bedford  and  Fair- 
tide,  without  fome  fwimming  or  the  aid  Haven  bridge. 

of  a  canoe.     The  likelieft  place  for  this  255    He    doubtlefs    landed    near   Fort 

lower  croffing  feems  to  be  from  Belville  Phoenix;    then,  with   Church   and  De- 

to  Ifland  Marlh,  where  the   river  nar-  lano,  ran  along  to  the  road  up  out  of 

rows  fo  that  they  would  have  needed  Sconticut  neck  and  the  meadow. 

118 


[36] 

emy  came  into  the  faid  [36]  Meadow,  and  the  fore-moft 
fat  down  his  load  and  halted,  until  all  the  company  came 
up,  and  then  took  up  their  loads  &  march'd  again  the  fame 
way  that  they  came  down  into  the  Neck,  which  was  the 
neareft.  way  unto  their  Camp;  had  they  gone  the  other 
way  along  the  River,256  they  could  not  have  miffed  Capt. 
Churches  Track,  which,  would  doubtlefs  have  expos'd 
them  to  the  lofs  of  their  Prifoners,  if  not  of  their  lives. 
But  as  foon  as  the  Coaft  was  clear  of  them,  the  Captain 
fends  his  Light-foot  to  fetch  his  Prifoners  from  the  Ifland, 
while  he  and  Mr.  Dillano  returns  to  the  company,  fent 
part  of  them  to  conduct  L  ight-foot  &  his  company  to  the 
aforefaid  Meadow,  where  Capt.  Church  and  his  company 
met  them;  croffing  the  Enemies  Track  they  made  all  haft, 
until  they  got  over  Mattapoifet-river™  near  about  four 
Miles  beyond  the  ruines  of  Cooks  Houfe,  where  he  ap- 
pointed to  meet  his  Indian  company,  whither  he  fent  Dil- 
lano ^  with  two  more  to  meet  them;  ordering  them,  that  if 
the  Indians  were  not  arrived,  to  wait  for  them.  Accord- 
ingly, finding  no  Indians  there,  they  waited  until  late  in 
the  Night,  when  they  arrived  with  their  booty.258     They 

255   The  neareft  path  from  Sconticut  Mattapoifet  Harbor,  and  its  courfe  for 

neck  to  the  Acuihnet  crofting,  probably  its  laft  5  miles  averages  about  4  miles 

was  then  very  nearly  where  the  road  eaft  of  the  Acuihnet,  on  whole   more 

now  is ;    which  averages  a  diftance  of  ftood  Cook's  houfe. 

about  a  mile  from  the  eaftern  more  of  258  The  weftern  path  around  the  great 

the  Acuihnet.      Church's  path  hugged  cedar  fwamp  required  much  longer  time 

that  fliore,  and,  as  he  crofted  lower  down,  than   the   eaftern,  over  which   Church 

his  track  nowhere  touched  theirs.  had  come;  and  the  Indians  had  that  in 

267    Mattapoifet   River   empties    into  mind  in  choofingit.  (See  note  240,  ante.) 

119 


[36  ] 

difpatch'd  a  Port  to  their  Captain  to  give  him  an  account 
of  their  Succefs;  but  the  day  broke  before  they  came  to 
him:  And  when  they  had  compared  Succeffes,  they  very 
remarkably  found  that  the  number  that  each  Company 
had  taken  and  flain,  was  equal.  The  Indians  had  kill'd  3 
of  the  Enemy,  and  taken  63  Prifoners,  as  the  EnglifJi  had 
done  before  them,  both  EnglifJi  and  Indians  were  fur- 
priz'd  at  this  remarkable  Providence,  and  were  both 
parties  rejoycing  at  it;  being  both  before  afraid  of  what 
might  have  been  the  event  of  the  unequal  Succefs  of  the 
parties.259  But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to  take  more 
Arms  than  the  EnglifJi.  They  told  the  Captain,  TJiat  they 
Jiad  miffed  a  brave  Opportunity  by  parting ;  TJicy  came 
upon  a  great  Town  of  tJie  Enemy,  viz  Capt.  Tyasks260  com- 
pany, ( Tyasks  was  the  next  man  to  PJiilip)  TJiey  fired 
upon  the  Enemy  before  tJiey  were  difcovered,  and  ran  tipon 
tJiem  witJi  a  fJiout ;  tJie  Men  ran  and  left  tJieir  Wives  and 
CJiildren,    and  many   of  tJiem    tJieir    Guns : 261     TJiey   took 

259   The  reference  is  to  the  prejudice  ing  his  Gun  behind  him,  and  his  Squarv, 

—  Avhich   Church   referred   to  when   he  who  was  taken";    and  Hubbard  fajs, 

made   to  the  Indians  of  his  party  the  "  In  June    laft,"  —  his   chronology,    of 

propofition  to  go  by  themfelves  —  ftill  courfe,    is   in    fault,  —  "  one    TiaJJiq,    a 

exiftent  in  the  Colony  againft  the  In-  great  captain  of  his  [Philip's],  his  wife 

dians  as  foldiers  in  that  war;    a  preju-  and   child,    or   children,   being   taken; 

dice  paralleled   in  obftinate   perfiftence  though  he  efcaped  himfelf,  at  firft,  yet 

by  that  fo  long  entertained  by  many  came   fince    and    furrendred    himfelf." 

againft  the  colored  troops  in  our  recent  [Brief  Hi/i.  42;  Narrative,  106.] 

ftruggle.  261  Mr.  Drake  fays,  in  his  late  edition 

200   Tyajhs  (TiaJJiq)  I  find  nothing  of  of  Mather's  Brief  Hijlory  (p.  1S1,  note), 

more  than  is  here  narrated,  except  that  that  "  the  place  where  these  prifoners 

Mather    fays    of    this    fight,    "  TiaJJiq  were  taken  was  probably  in  fome  part 

Philip's  Chief  Captain  ran  away  leav-  of  what  is  fince  Rochefter."     It  is  haz- 


[37  ] 

Tyasks  Wife  and  Son,  and  theft  that  if  their  Captain  & 
the  Englifli  company  had  been  with  them  they  might  have 
taken  fome  hundreds  of  them  :  And  now  they  determined  not 
to  part  any  more. 

That  Night  Philip  fent  (as  afterwards  they  found  out)  a 
great  Army  to  way-lay  Capt.  Church  at  the  entring  on  of 
Affawompfet  Neck,  expecting  he  would  have  returned  the 
fame  way  he  went  in;  but  that  was  never  his  method  to 
return  the  fame  way  that  he  came;  &  at  this  time  going 
another  way  he  efcaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  Ene- 
mies. The  next  day  they  went  home  by  Scipican?w  and 
got  well  with  their  Prifoners  to  Plymouth. 

He  foon  went  out  again;  and  this  itroke  he  drove  many 
Weeks;263  and  when  he  took  any  number  of  Prifoners,  he 
would  pick  out  fome  that  he  took  a  fancy  to,  and  would 
tell  them,  Me  took  a  particular  fancy  to  them,  and  had 
chofe  them  for  himfelf  to  make  Sotildiers  of ;  and  if  any 
would  behave  themfclves  well,  he  would  do  well  by  them,  and 
they  fJiould  be  his  men  and  not  Sold  out  of  the  Country.  [37] 
If  he  perceived  they  look'd  furly,  and  his  Indian  Souldiers 

ardous   for   a   neophyte   to   venture   to  their  preient  position,  on  the  eaft  bank 

differ    from    one    lb   long   and   largely  of  the  Mattapoifett  River,  to  that  point 

familiar  with  Indian  affairs;  but  I  think  in  the  road  to  Plymouth,  by  Sippican, 

if   Mr.    Drake    would    take   with    him  where    Church    difcovered    Awalhonks 

Church's     account    over    the    country  and  her  party.     [See  note  212,  ante.^ 
traverfed,  he  would  agree  with   me   in  233  This  is  to  be  taken   as  a  general 

fixing  the  place  of  Tiafhq's  capture  as  remark,  covering  Church's  relation   to 

fomewhere  on  the  northern  and  weftern  this  iummer   of  the   war,   and    not   as 

fkirts  of  the   "  great  cedar  fwamp,"  in  intimating    that    many    weeks     pafled 

what  is  now  New  Bedford.  before  the  period  of  the  next  incident 

202  jj.  would  be  a  lhort  four  miles  from  which  he  fpecifically  fets  down. 
16                                                 121 


[37  ] 

call'd  them  treacherous  Dogs,  as  fome  of  them  would 
fometimes  do,  all  the  notice  he  would  take  of  it,  would 
only  be  to  clap  them  on  the  back,  and  tell  them,  Come, 
come,  you  look  wild  and  furly,  and  mutter,  but  that Jignifies 
nothing,  thefe  my  bejl  Sou  Idlers  were  a  little  while  a  go  as 
wild  and  fur iy  as  you  are  now ;  by  that  time  you  have  been 
but  one  day  along  with  me,  you1 1  love  me  too,  and  be  as  brisk 
as  any  of  them.  And  it  prov'd  fo.  For  there  was  none 
of  them  but  (after  they  had  been  a  little  while  with  him, 
and  fee  his  behaviour,  and  how  chearful  and  fuccefsful  his 
Men  were)  would  be  as  ready  to  Pilot  him  to  any  place 
where  the  Indians  dwelt  or  haunted  (tho'  their  own 
Fathers  or  neareft  Relations  mould  be  among  them)  or  to 
fight  for  him,  as  any  of  his  own  Men. 

Capt.  Church  was  in  two  particulars  much  advantaged 
by  the  great  Engllfli  Army264  that  was  now  abroad.  One 
was,  that  they  drove  the  Enemy  down  to  that  part  of  the 
Country,  viz.  to  the  Eaftward  of  Taunton  River  by  which 
means  his  bulinefs  was  nearer  home.  The  other  was  that 
when  ever  he  fell  on  with  a  pufh  upon  any  body  of  the 
Enemy  (were  they  never  fo  many)  they  fled  expecting 
the  great  Army.  And  his  manner  of  Marching  thro'  the 
Woods  was  fuch,  as  if  he  were  difcovered,  they  appeared 


264  Befides  the  Plymouth  troops  un-  der   Capts.    Brattle   and   Mofely,   were 

der  Major  Bradford,  to  whom  Church  affociated  with  Bradford's  men ;  befides 

has  herein  referred ;  Major  Talcot  was  Henchman's  forces,  which  were  fcour- 

in  the  field  with  fome  250  Englifh  and  ing  the  interior  woods.     [Palfrey's  Hiji. 

200  Mohegans  from   Connecticut,    and  N.  E.  iii :    197;   Barry's  HiJl.  Mafs.  i: 

two  companies  from  Mafiachufetts,  un-  444,  445.] 


[37  ] 

to  be  more  than  they  were.  For  he  always  Marched  at  a 
wide  diftance  one  from  another,  partly  for  their  fafety: 
and  this  was  an  Indian  cuftom,  to  March  thin  and  fcatter. 
Capt.  Church  inquired  of  fome  of  the  Indians  that  were 
become  his  Souldiers,  How  they  got  fuch  advantage  often 
of  the  Englifi  in  their  Marches  thrd>  the  Woods  ?  They 
told  him,  That  the  Indians  gain'd  great  advantage  of  the 
EnglifJi  by  two  things;  The  Indians  always  took  care  in 
their  Marches  and  Fights,  not  to  come  too  thick  together. 
But  the  EnglifJi  always  kept  in  a  heap  together,  that  it 
was  as  eafy  to  hit  them  as  to  hit  an  Houfe.  The  other 
was,  that  if  at  any  time  they  difcovered  a  company  of 
Englifi  Souldiers  in  the  Woods,  they  knew  that  there  was 
all,  for  the  Englifi  never  fcattered;  but  the  Indians  always 
divided  and  fcattered. 

Capt.  CJiurcJi  now  at  PlymoutJi,  fomething  or  other  hap- 
pen'd  that  kept  him  at  home  a  few  days,  until  a  Poft  came 
to  Marfifield  on  the  Lords  day  Morning,265  informing  the 
Governour  that  a  great  army  of  Indians  were  difcovered, 
who  it  was  fuppofed  were  deligning  to  get  over  the  River 
towards  Taunton  or  Bridgwater,  to  Attack  thofe  Towns 
that,  lay  on  that  fide  the  River.266  The  Governour  haftned  to 
PlymoutJi,  raifed  what  Men  he  could  by  the  way,  came 
to  PlymoutJi  in  the  beginning  of  the  forenoon  Exercife; 

265  Sunday,  30  July,  1676.  great-river")  River.     In  order  to  get  at 

266  Philip  had  been  in  the  neighbor-  Taunton  and  Bridgewater,  which  were 
hood  of  Affawompfet  Pond,  in  Middle-  on  the  northern  and  weftern  fide,  it  was 
borough,  on  the  fouthern  and  eaftern  needful  for  him  to  crofs ;  and,  both  for 
fide  of  Taunton  (Tilicul,  i.e.  Keh-teih-  eafier  croffing  and  to  avoid  the  "great 
tuk-qut  [Eliot,  Gen.  xv  :   18],  "on-the-  army,"  he  would  move  north  to  do  it. 

123 


[38] 


fent  for  Capt.  Church  out  of  the  Meeting-houfe,  gave  him 
the  News,  and  defired  him  immediately  to  Rally  what  of 
his  Company  he  could;  and  what  Men  he  had  raifed 
mould  joyn  them.  The  Captain  beftirs  himfelf,  but  found 
no  Bread  in  the  Store-houfe,  and  fo  was  forc'd  to  run 
from  Houfe  to  Houfe  to  get  Houfe-hold  Bread  for  their 
March;  but  this  nor  any  thing  elfe  prevented  his  Marching 
by  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon  Exercife;  March- 
[38]ing  with  what  Men  were  ready,  he  took  with  him 
the  Poll  that  came  from  Bridgwater  to  Pilot  him  to  the 
Place,  where  he  tho't  he  might  meet  with  the  Enemy.267 


2("  Mitchell  [in  2  Mafs.  Hiji.  Coll. 
vii  :  157,  and  in  his  Hijt.  Bridge-water, 
39]  gives  an  extract  from  an  old  manu- 
fcript  which  he  fuppofes  to  have  been 
written  by  Comfort  Willis,  who  was 
"Town  Trooper"  at  this  time,-  which 
gives  fome  details  nightly  at  variance 
with  Church's  account  of  the  matter, 
but  which,  if  genuine,  muft  take  pre- 
cedence in  authenticity.  He  fays, 
"  On  Saturday  [29  July],  Capt.  Hayj 
ward,  Sergt.  Packard,  John  Willis,  and 
Ifaac  Harris,  went  out  to  fee  if  the  In- 
dians were  coming  down  upon  them, 
and  they  faw  an  Indian,  which  made 
them  think  the  enemy  was  at  hand ; 
and  they  immediately  prefled  Comfort 
Willis  and  Jofeph  Edfon  to  go  poft  to 
the  Governor  the  fame  day  at  night 
to  tell  him  of  it.  And  he  [the  Gover- 
nor] went  to  Plymouth  with  them  the 
next  day,  [Sunday,  30  July]  to  fend 
Capt.  Church  with  his  company.  And 
Capt.  Church  came  with  them  to  Mon- 
ponfet  [Halifax]  on   the   Sabbath,  and 


came  no  further  that  day;  and  he  told 
them  he  would  meet  them  the  next  day. 
And  Comfort  Willis  and  Jofeph  Edfon 
came  home  at  night,  and  told  their 
friends  of  it,  and  Enfign  Haward,  Sam- 
uel Edfon,  Jofiah  Edfon,  Jofeph  Edfon, 
John  Wafhburn,  Samuel  Wafhburn, 
Thomas  Wafhburn,  John  Field,  Nicholas 
Byram,  Samuel  Allen,  Samuel  Allen, 
jr.,  John  Gordon,  John  Hayward,  John 
Packard,  John  Ames,  Comfort  Willis, 
Guido  Bailey,  Nathaniel  Hayward,  John 
Whitman,  John  Packard,  and  Samuel 
Leach  went  out  on  Monday,  fuppofing 
to  meet  with  Captain  Church;  but 
they  came  upon  the  enemy,  and  fought 
with  them,  and  took  feventeen  of  them 
alive,  and  alio  much  plunder,  and  they 
all  returned,  and  not  one  of  them  fell 
by  the  enemy,  and  received  no  help 
from  Church." 

I  incline  to  accept  the  verfion  of 
this  MS.,  and  I  reconcile  its  ftatements 
with  thofe  of  Church  by  fuppofing  him, 
in  his  reminifcence  of  the  events,  forty 


124 


[38] 

In  the  Evening  they  heard  a  fmart  firing  at  a  diftance  from 
them,  but  it  being  near  Night,  and  the  firing  but  of  fhort 
continuance,  they  mifs'd  the  place  and  went  into  Bridg- 
water Town.268  It  feems,  the  occafion  of  the  firing,  "was, 
That  Philip  finding  that  Capt.  Church  made  that  fide  of 
the  Country  too  hot  for  him,  defign'd  to  return  to  the 
other  fide  of  the  Country  that  he  came  laft  from.269  And 
coming  to  Taunton  River  with  his  company,270  they  fell'd 


years  after,  to  have  dropped  out  one 
day  from  his  reckoning,  —  if  his  lan- 
guage was  meant  to  be  taken,  as  it 
would  naturally  be,  as  implying  that 
"in  the  evening"  was  the  evening  of 
the  fame  day  on  which  he  left  Ply- 
mouth. I  think  that  he  went  no  further 
than  Monponfet  on  the  Sabbath ;  that 
on  Monday  he  fcouted  fouth-weftward 
toward  Bridgewater,  along  the  upper 
lkirt  of  thofe  great  cedar  fwamps  which 
ftill  occupy  fo  many  miles  of  the  north- 
ern part  of  Middleborough,  and  where 
he  would  be  likelieft  to  find  Philip,  but 
failed  to  fall  in  with  him ;  that  the 
"fmart  firing  at  a  diftance"  which  he 
heard,  was  that  of  Comfort  Willis's 
party  (Increaje  Mather  fays  it  was 
"  about  3  h.  p.  m")  ;  and  that  "  miffing 
the  place  "  of  that,  he  went  into  Bridge- 
water  Town  on  Mofiday  evening,  31 
July.  Hubbard  and  both  the  Mathers 
fix  the  date  of  the  expedition  of  the 
Bridgewater  men  —  as  the  old  MS.  does 
—  on  Monday,  31  July;  while,  if  the 
apparent  ftatement  of  Church  were 
taken,  it  would  fix  it  on  Sunday,  the 
30th.  Four  to  one,  and  that  one  dic- 
tating  fo   long   afterward,    mull    carry 


the  day.     [Hubbard's  Narrative,   101  ; 
Brief  Hijiory,  44;  Magnalia  (ed.  1853) 

ii:  575-] 

208  Bridgctvater  Toivn  then  was 
what  is  now  known  as  Weft  Bridge- 
water;  the  firft  fettlement  having  been 
made  on  Town  River,  lefs  than  three 
miles  eaft  of  the  prefent  eaftern  boun- 
dary line  of  Eafton. 

269  That  is,  on  the  weftern  fide  of 
Titicut  River,  toward  the  Nipmuck 
country,  north-wefterly,  or  toward  the 
Narraganfett  country  on  the  fouth-weft. 

270  After  long  inquiry,  I  have 
failed  to  get  any  evidence,  of  much 
value,  fixing  the  pofition  of  this  croff- 
ing-place  where  the  tree  was  felled. 
The  only  tradition  of  any  fort  which 
has  come  to  my  knowledge,  with  re- 
gard to  it,  was  furnifhed  me  by  Williams 
Latham,  Efq.,  of  Bridgewater,  who 
informs  me  that  Mr.  Stillman  B.  Pratt, 
late  editor  of  the  Middleborough  Ga- 
zette, once  told  him  that  the  tree  was 
felled  near  the  junction  of  theNemafket, 
with  the  Taunton  River.  This  fpot  is 
about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  a  little 
eaft  of  fouth  of  the  prefent  Titicut 
Station  on  the  Old-Colony  and  Fall- 


125 


[38] 

a  great  Tree  a-crofs  the  River  for  a  Bridge  to°  pafs  over 
on;  and  juft  as  Philips  old  Uncle  Akkompoin™  and  fome 
other  of  his  chiefs  were  paffing  over  the  Tree,  fome  brisk 
Bridgwater  Lads,  had  Ambufh'd  them,  fired  upon  them, 
and  killed  the  old  man,  and  feveral  others,  which  put  a 
ftop  to  their  coming  over  the  River  that  Night. 

Next  Morning272  Capt.  Church  moved  very  early  with 
his  Company  which  was  increafed  by  many  of  Bridgwater 
that  lifted  under  him  for  that  Expedition,  and  by  their 
Piloting,  he  foon  came  very  ftill,  to  the  top  of  the  great 
Tree  which  the  Enemy  had  fallen  a-crofs  the  River;  and 
the  Captain  fpy'd  an  Indian  fitting  upon  the  flump  of  it  on 
the  other  fide  of  the  river;  and  he  clap'd  his  Gun  up,  and 
had  doubtlefs  difpatch'd  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own 
Indians  called  haftily  to  him,  Not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it 
was  one  of  his  own  men;   upon  which  the  Indian  upon 

River  Railroad.      I  diftruft  this  tradi-  in  his  natural  route  from  Monponfet. 

tion,  however,  and  am  of  opinion  that  I  fhould  be  inclined,  then,  to  place  the 

Philip  kept  up  feveral  miles  further  on  probable  pofition  of  the  tree  much  near- 

the  eaft  bank    of  Town    River,   before  er  to  Sprague's  Hill  than  to  Titicut. 

croffing,  for  thefe  reafons :  (i)  it  feems  271  Unkompoin  [Uncompowett~\i\gne.d 

to  me,  intrinfically,  quite   as  probable  a  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  Englifh 

that  he  would  do   fo ;    (2)   the  ftream  at  Plymouth,  6  Aug,  1662,  with  Philip, 

would  be  much  lefs  in  width,  and  could  and  is  there  ftyled  "  Vnkell  to  the  aboue- 

be  much  eafier  crofted  upon  a  tree,  in  faid  fachem."     With  Philip,  he  claimed 

the  manner  fuggefted  ;   (3)  the  requifites  land  in  Swanfey,  in  1668.     Mather  fays 

of  the  fubfequent  narrative  feem  to  me  he   was    "  one    of   his    [Philip's]    chief 

to  require  them  to  be  further  north  on  Councellors."     Mr.  Drake  fays  he  was 

the  ftream  next  day  than  they  would  alfo  called  Woonkaponehunt  and  Woh- 

have  been  if  the  tree  had  been  as  low  kowpahenitt.       [Plym.    Col.    Rec.    iv : 

down  as  Titicut;    and  (4)  that  my  fup-  26;    v:    79;    Brief  Hifi.   44;    Book  of 

pofition  would  bring  their  "firing"  up  Ind.  199,  203,  204.] 

more  nearly  within  Church's  hearing,  ZJ2  Tuefday,  1  Aug. 

126 


[38] 


the  ftump  look'd  about,  and  Capt.  Churches  Indian  feeing 
his  face  perceived  his  miftake,  for  he  knew  him  to  be 
Philip ;  clap'd  up  his  Gun  and  fired,  but  it  was  too  late, 
for  Philip  immediately  threw  himfelf  off  the  ftump,  leap'd 
down  a  bank  on  the  fide  of  the  River,  and  made  his 
efcape.  Capt  Church  as  foon  as  poflible  got  over  the 
River,  and  fcattered  in  queft  of  Philip,  and  his  company; 
but  the  Enemy  fcattered  and  fled  every  way;  but  he 
pick'd  up  a  confiderable  many  of  their  Women  and  Chil- 
dren, among  which  was  Philip'' s  Wife,  and  Son  of  about 
Nine  Years  Old.273     Difcovering  a  confiderable  new  Track 


273  Philip's  wife's  name,  Mr.  Drake 
fays,  was  Wootoneka?iufke ;  and  he  adds 
that  (he  was  a  fitter  of  one  of  the  three 
wives  of  Quinnapin.  Judge  Davis  gives 
an  interesting  account  of  the  difcuflion 
that  took  place  in  the  Colony  in  regard 
to  the  difpofition  to  be  made  of  Philip's 
fon.  The  Court  feem  —  as  they  often 
did,  on  queftions  concerning  which  they 
had  doubt,  and  the  more  efpecially 
when  thofe  queftions  were  of  a  moral 
nature  —  to  have  confulted  the  princi- 
pal Reverend  Elders.  Samuel  Arnold 
(paftor  of  the  church  in  Marfhfield)  and 
John  Cotton  (Plymouth)  write,  7  Sept., 
1676,  thus :  "  Upon  ferious  confidera- 
tion,  we  humbly  conceive  that  the  chil- 
dren of  notorious  traitors,  rebells  and 
murtherers,  efpecially  of  fuch  as  have 
bin  principal  leaders  and  aclors  in  fuch 
horrid  villanies,  and  that  againft  a 
whole  nation,  yea  the  whole  Ifrael  of 
God,  may  be  involved  in  the  guilt  of 
their  parents,  and  may,  falva  repub- 
lican be   adjudged   to   death,   as  to   us 


feems  evident  by  the  fcripture  inftances 
of  Saul,  Ac/ian,  Human,  the  children 
of  whom  were  cut  off  by  the  fword  of 
Juftice  for  the  tranfgreffions  of  their 
parents,  although,  concerning  fome  of 
thofe  children,  it  be  manifeft  that  they 
were  not  capable  of  being  coaifters 
therein."  Increafe  Mather,  of  Bolton, 
wrote  to  Mr.  Cotton,  30  Oc5t.,  1676 : 
"  It  is  neceffary  that  fome  effectual 
courfe  fhould  be  taken  about  him 
[Philip's  fon].  He  makes  me  think  of 
Hadad,  who  was  a  little  child  when  his 
father  (the  chief  fachem  of  the  Edom- 
ites)  was  killed  byjoab;  and,  had  not 
others  fled  away  with  him,  I  am  apt  to 
think,  that  David  would  have  taken  a 
courfe,  that  Hadad  fhould  never  have 
proved  a  fcourge  to  the  next  genera- 
tion." Rev.  James  Keith,  of  Bridgewa- 
ter,  alio  wrote  to  Mr.  Cotton,  30  Oct., 
1676,  but  as  follows :  "  I  long  to  hear 
what  becomes  of  Philip's  wife  and  fon. 
I  know  there  is  fome  difficulty  in  that 
PJ'alm,  cxxxvii :  8,  9,  though  I  think  it 


127 


[38] 

along  the  River,  and  examining  the  Prifoners,  found  that 
it  was  Qunnappin  and  the  Narraganfcts,  that  were  drawing 
off  from  thofe  parts  towards  the  Narraganfet  Country,  he 
inquired  of  the  Prifoners,  Whether  Philip  were  gone  in  the 
fame  Track  ?  they  told  him,  They  did  not  know,  for  he  fled 
in  a  great  fright  when  the  firfi  Englifh  Gun  was  fired,  and 
they  had  none  of  them  feen  or  heard  any  thing  of  him  fiince. 
Capt.  Church  left  part  of  his  Company  there  to  fecure  the 
Prifoners  they  got,  and  to  pick  up  what  more  they  could 
find;  and  with  the  reft  of  his  company  hafted  in  the  Track 
of  the  Enemy  to  over-take  them,  if  it  might  be,  before 
they  got  over  the  River,  and  ran  fome  Miles  along  the 
River  until  he  came  unto  a  place  where  the  Indians  had 
waded  over;274  and  he  with  his  Company  waded  over 
after  them  up  to  the  Arm-pits;  being  almoft  as  wet  be- 
fore with  Sweat  as  the  River  could  make  them:  Follow- 
ing about  a  Mile  further,  and  not  overtaking  them,  and  the 

may  be   confidered,  whether   there   be  Bermudas.       [Davis's    Morton's    Mem. 

not  ibme  fpecialtj  and   fomewhat   ex-  454.] 

traordinary  in  it.  That  law,  Deut.  ~74  While  bathing,  when  a  boy,  in  this 
xxiv :  16,  compared  with  the  com-  river,  I  have  often  waded  acrois  on  a 
mended  example  of  Amaziah,  2  C/iron.  bar  which  a  local  tradition  affigns  as 
xxv :  4,  doth  fway  much  with  me  in  the  place  where  the  Indians  croffed  on 
the  cafe  under  confideration.  I  hope  this  occafion.  It  is,  if  I  remember  cor- 
God  will  direct  thofe  whom  it  doth  redtly,  perhaps  a  mile  and  a  quarter 
concern  to  a  good  iffue,  &c.  &c."  By  a  up  ftream  from  the  junction  of  the 
letter  from  Mr.  Cotton  to  Dr.  Mather,  Nemafket  with  the  Taunton,  and  nearly 
20  March,  1677,  which  contains  this  due  weft  of  the  refidence  of  the  late 
paffing  remark,  "  Philip's  boy  goes  now  Cephas  Thompfon,  Efq.,  in  Middle- 
to  be  fold,"  it  is  made  almoft  certain  borough.  If  the  pofition  of  the  tree 
that,  with  his  mother,  he  fhared  the  was  where  I  fuppofe  it  to  have  been 
fate  of  fo  many  of  his  nation,  and  went  (fee  note  270,  ante),  this  fuits  very  well 
to  fpend  his  fpared  life  in  Cadiz,  or  the  the  demands  of  the  narrative. 

128 


[39] 

Captain  being  under  a  neceffity  [39]  to  return  that  Night 
to  the  Army,  came  to  an  halt,  told  his  Company,  he  mufl 
return  to  his  other  men.  His  Indians  Souldiers  moved  for 
leave  to  purfue  the  Enemy  (tho'  he  return'd;)  faid,  The 
Narraganfets  were  great  Rogues,  and  they  wanted  to  be 
revenged  on  them  for  killing  fome  of  their  Relations  ;  named, 
Tokkamona™  (Awaflwnks  Brother)  and  fome  others. 
Capt.  Church  bad  them  go  &  profper,  and  made  Light-foot 
their  chief,276  and  gave  him  the  title  of  Captain,  Bid  them 
go  and  quit  themf elves  like  men.  And  away  they  fcam- 
pered  like  fo  many  Horfes.  Next  Morning277  early  they 
returned  to  their  Captain,  and  informed  him,  That  they 
had  come  tip  with  the  Enemy,  a7id  kilPd  feveral  of  them, 
and  brought  him  Thirteen  of  them  Prif oners  ;  were  mighty 
proud  of  their  Exploit,  and  rejoyced  much  at  the  oppor- 
tunity of  avenging  themfelves.  Capt.  Church  fent  the 
Prifoners  to  Bridgwater,  and  fent  out  his  Scouts  to  fee 
what  Enemies  or  Tracks  they  could,  difcovering  fome 
fmall  Tracks,  he  follows  them,  found  where  the  Enemy 
had  kindled  fome  fires,  and  roafted  fome  flefh,  &c.  but 
had  put  out  their  fires  and  were  gone.  The  Captain  fol- 
lowed them  by  the  Track,  putting  his  Indians  in  the  Front; 
fome  of  which  were  fuch  as  he  had  newly  taken  from  the 

275  Takanumma,  "  a  Sachem  at  Sac-  Treafurer,  and  Philip  engaged  for  his 

onett,"  appeared   at   Plymouth   Court,  "  performance  of  the  faid  engagement 

3  Nov.,  1671,  "with  Philip,  cheife  Sa-  in  all  points  thereof."    \_Plym.  Col.  Rec. 

chem,"  and  engaged  fubjection  "  to  the  v  :  80. 

Kinges  ma"1  of  England,  this  gou'ment,  276  See  note  238,  ante. 

and  the  lawes  thereof,"  &c,  agreeing  to  277  Wednefday,  2  Auguft,  1676. 
pay  yearly    one    wolf's    head    to    the 

17  129 


[39] 

Enemy,  and  added  to  his  Company.  Gave  them  order  to 
March  foftly,  and  upon  hearing  a  whiffle  in  the  Rear  to  lit 
down,  till  further  order.  Or  upon  difcovery  of  any  of  the 
Enemy  to  flop,  for  his  delign  was,  if  he  could,  difcover 
where  the  Enemy  were,  not  to  fall  upon  them  (unlefs 
neceffitated  to  do  it)  until  next  Morning.  The  Indians  in 
the  Front  came  up  with  many  Women  and  Children,  and 
others  that  were  faint  and  tired,  and  fo  not  able  to  keep  up 
with  the  Company;  thefe  gave  them  an  account  that 
Philip  with  a  great  number  of  the  Enemy  were  a  little 
before.  Capt.  Churches  Indians  told  the  others,  They  were 
their  Prif oners,  but  if  they  would  fubmit  to  order  and  be 
Jlill  no  one  JJwuld  hurt  them  :  They  being  their  old  ac- 
quaintance, they  were  eafily  perfwaded  to  conform.  A 
little  before  Sun-fet  there  was  a  halt  in  the  Front  until  the 
Captain  came  up,  and  they  told  him,  They  difcovered  the 
Enemy  :  He  order'd  them,  to  dog  them,  and  watch  their 
motion  till  it  was  dark.  But  Philip  foon  came  to  a  ftop, 
and  fell  to  breaking  and  chopping  Wood,  to  make  fires  : 
and  a  great  noife  they  made.  Capt.  Church  draws  his 
company  up   into   a  ring,  and  fat  down   in  the  Swamp278 

-78  I  find  no  data  in  any  of  the  ac-  borough,  probably  not  far  from  the 
counts  of  this  purfuit  for  an  accurate  pofition  of  the  State  Alms  Houfe  in 
determination  of  the  locality  of  this  the  former.  From  this  point,  where 
fwamp;  our  only  guide  being  general  the  Indians  waded  acrofs  to  the  Bridge- 
conjecture  founded  upon  the  lay  of  the  water  fide,  they  unquestionably  ihaped 
land,  the  time  taken,  and  the  probabil-  their  general  courfe  for  the  Narragan- 
ities  of  the  cafe.  We  muft  affume  as  fett  country.  But  in  doing  fo  they  muft 
the  point  of  departure  fome  place  on  make  a  detour  to  the  weft  to  avoid  the 
Titicut  River  where  it  divides  the  pref-  "  army"  in  Taunton;  as  following  the 
ent  towns  of  Bridgewater  and  Middle-  neareft  route  along  the  weftern  bank  of 

J30 


[39] 

without  any  noife  or  fire  :  The  Indian  Prifoners  were 
much  furprized  to  fee  the  EnglifJi  Souldiers;  but  the  Cap- 
tain told  them,  If  they  would  be  quiet  mid  not  make  any  dif- 
turbance  or  noife,  they  flwuld  meet  with  civil  treatment,  but 
if  they  made  any  difiurbance,  or  offered  to  run,  or  7nake  their 
efcape,  he  would  immediately  kill  them  all ;  fo  they  were 
very  fubmiilive  &  obfequious.  When  the  day  broke,279 
Capt.  Church  told  his  Prifoners,  That  his  Expedition  was 
fuck  at  this  time  that  he  could  not  afford  them  any  guard : 
Told  them,  They  would  find  it  to  be  their  interefl  to  attend 
the  orders  he  was  now  about  to  give  them  ;  which  was,  That 
when  the  fight  was  over,  which  they  now  expelled ;  or  as 


the  river  would  bring  them  direclly  up- 
on that  town.  A  glance  at  the  config- 
uration of  the  country  will  make  it  moft 
probable,  then,  that  they  paffed  between 
Nunkateji  (^Nippenickei)  and  Gujhee 
ponds,  over  into  the  north  part  of  what 
is  now  Raynham,  and  thence  into  the 
north  part  of  what  is  now  Taunton, 
between  Winniconnet  and  Watfon's 
ponds,  and  fo  fouth-weft,  about  as  the 
divifion  line  between  Taunton  and 
Norton  runs,  toward  Rehoboth.  I  af- 
fume  that  from  15  to  18  miles  through 
thofe  rough  wood-paths  and  fwamps 
would  be  as  much  as  fuch  a  mixed 
company,  many  of  whom  were  "faint 
and  tired,"  could  accomplilh  in  a  day. 
This,  by  the  route  which  I  have  indi- 
cated, would  bring  them  near  to  three 
cedar  fwamps ;  one  now  called  Crook- 
ed-Meadow Swamp,  through  which  the 
town  line  between  Taunton  and  Norton 
runs;     one    called    Seekonk     Swamp, 


in  the  fouthern  angle  of  Norton ;  and 
a  fmaller  one,  three-quarters  of  a  mile 
into  Rehoboth,  and  fome  two  miles 
north  of  Squannakonk  Swamp,  where 
Anna-won  was  afterwards  taken.  It  is 
my  impreffion  that  the  latter  beft  meets 
all  the  conditions  of  the  cafe.  Philip 
feems  to  have  camped  on  an  upland  on 
the  edge  of  or  within  the  fwamp,  as 
was  their  cuftom.  Mr.  Drake,  in  his 
edition  of  Church,  places  the  fwamp 
which  fheltered  them  in  Mattapoifett 
neck  in  Swanfey.  But  that  mutt  have 
involved  a  return  march  on  the  part  of 
Church  and  his  prifoners  of  25  to  30 
miles  back  to  Bridgewater,  which  was 
more  than  they  could  well  accomplilh 
before  "that  night";  befides  that  from 
Swanfey  Church's  natural  route  would 
have  led  through  Taunton,  where  he 
would  moft  likely  have  delivered  his 
prifoners,  as  on  a  fubfequent  occafion. 
2"9  Thurfday,  3  Auguft,  1676. 


131 


[4°] 

foon  as  the  firing  ceafed,  they  mufl  follow  the  Tracks  of  his 
Company  and  come  to  them.  (An  [40]  Indian  is  next  to 
a  blood-hound  to  follow  a  Track.)  He  faid  to  them,  It 
would  be  in  vain  for  them  to  think  of  difobedience,  or  to 
gain  any  thing  by  it,  for  he  had  taken  and  killed  a  great 
many  of  the  Indian  Rebels,  and  flwuld  in  a  little  time  kill 
and  take  all  the  reft,  &c.  By  this  time  it  began  to  be  fo 
light,  as  the  time  that  he  ufually  chofe  to  make  his  on- 
fet.  He  moved  fending  two  Souldiers  before  to  try  if 
they  could  privately  difcover  the  Enemies  poftures.  But 
very  unhappily  it  fell  out,  that  the  very  fame  time 
Philip  had  fent  two  of  his  as  a  Scout  upon  his  own 
Track,  to  fee  if  none  dog'd  them;  who  fpy'd  the  two 
Indian  men,  and  turn'd  fhort  about,  and  fled  with  all 
fpeed  to  their  Camp:  and  Capt.  Church  purfued  as  fall 
as  he  could;  the  two  Indians  fet  a  yelling  and  howling, 
and  made  the  moft  hideous  noife  they  could  invent,  foon 
gave  the  Alarm  to  Philip  &  his  Camp;  who  all  fled  at  the 
firft  tydings,  left  their  Kittles  boiling  &  Meat  roafting 
upon  their  wooden  Spits,  &  run  into  a  Swamp  with  no 
other  Break-fart,  than  what  Capt.  Church  afterwards  treated 
them  with.  Capt.  Church  purfuing,  fent  Mr.  Ifaac  How- 
landm  with  a  party  on  one  fide  of  the  Swamp,  while  him- 


280  Ifaac  Howlafid  was  youngeft  fon  at  M.,  in   1674,    1684,    1685,    1686;    ad- 

of  John,  and  brother  of  Jabez  (fee  note  mitted  freeman  in  16S1 ;  was  a  member 

207,  ante)  ;  was  one  of  the  firft  fettlers  of  of  the  "  grand  enqueft,"  in  1682  ;  ferved 

Middleborough ;  married  Eliza,  daugh-  on  a  trial  jury,  in  1683  ;  was  licenfed  to 

ter  of  George  Vaughan ;   was  furveyor  keep  an  ordinary  at  M.,  in  1684;   was 

of  highways  at  M.,  in  1672;   fele&man  deputy  for  M.,  in  1689,  1690,  1691;  re- 

132 


[  4°  ] 

felf  with  the  reft  ran  on  the  other-fide,  agreeing  to  run  on 
each  fide,  until  they  met  on  the  further  end:  placing  fome 
men  in  fecure  Stands  at  that  end  of  the  Swamp  where 
Philip  entered,  concluding  that  if  they  headed  him  and 
beat  him  back,  that  he  would  take  back  in  his  own  Track. 
Capt.  Church  and  Mr.  Howland  foon  met  at  the  further 
end  of  the  Swamp  (it  not  being  a  great  one)  where  they 
met  with  a  great  number  of  the  Enemy,  well  armed,  com- 
ing out  of  the  Swamp.  But  on  light  of  the  EnglifJi  they 
feemed  very  much  furprized,  &  tack'd  fhort.  Capt. 
Church  called  haftily  to  them,  and  faid,  If  they  fired  one 
Gun  they  were  all  dead  men ;  for  he  would  have  them 
knozv  that  he  had  them  hem?d  in,  with  a  force  fuffcient  to 
command  them ;  but  if  they  peaceably  furrender^d  they 
fJwuld  have  good  quarter^1  &c.  They  feeing  both  Indians 
and  EnglifJi  come  fo  thick  upon  them,  were  fo  furprized 
that  many  of  them  ftood  ftill  and  let  the  EnglifJi  come  and 


ceived  £7  of  Thomas  Joilen,  of  Little  Capt.  Churches  Company,  efpyingthem, 
Compton,  for  "  a  yoak  of  oxen,  unjuftly  called  aloud  unto  them  in  their  own  Lan- 
detained."  [Savage's  Gen.  Did.  ii :  guage,  telling  them,  that  if  they  Jhot  a 
479 ;  Plym.  Col.  Rcc.  v :  93,  145 ;  vi :  Gun,  they  -were  all  dead  tnen ;  with 
62,  86,  129,  131,  168,  186,  198,  206,  212,  which  they  were  fo  amazed,  that  they 
222,  240,  246,  263,  268.]  durft  not  once  offer  to  fire  at  the  En- 
281  Hubbard  fays,  "In  this  engage-  glim,  which  made  the  victory  the  more 
ment  God  did  appear  in  a  more  then  remarkable."  [Narrative,  102.]  Ma- 
ordinary  manner  to  fight  for  the  En-  ther  [Brief  History,  44]  adds  that  the 
glifh,  for  the  Indians  by  their  number,  Indian's  name  was  Matthias.  As  Church 
and  other  advantages  of  the  place,  were  could  not  himfelf  fpeak  Indian,  this  is 
fo  conveniently  provided,  that  they  probably  the  correct  verfion  of  what 
might  have  made  the  firft  fhot  at  the  took  place;  or  perhaps  he  fpoke  in  En- 
Englilh,  and  done  them  much  damage;  glifh,  and  his  Indian  foldiers  repeated 
but  one  of  their  own  Country-men  in  his  words  in  their  tongue. 

133 


[4i  ] 

take  the  Guns  out  of  their  hands,  when  they  "were  both 
charged  and  cock'd.  Many  both  Men,  Women  and  Chil- 
dren of  the  Enemy  were  imprifoned  at  this  time;  while 
Philip,  Tifpaquin,  Tolq/bn,282  &c.  concluded  that  the  Eng- 
lifli  would  purfue  them  upon  their  Tracks,  fo  were  way- 
laying their  Tracks  at  the  firft  end  of  the  Swamp,  hoping 
thereby  to  gain  a  fhot  upon  Capt.  Church  who  was  now 
better  imploy'd  in  taking  his  Prifoners  &  running  them 
into  a  Valley,  in  form  fomething  fhap'd  like  a  Punch- 
bole,  and  appointing  a  guard  of  two  files  trible  armed 
with  Guns  taken  from  the  Enemy.  But  Philip  having 
waited  all  this  while  in  vain,  now  moves  on  after  the  reft 
of  his  company  to  fee  what  was  become  of  them.  And 
by  this  time  Capt.  Church  was  got  into  the  Swamp  ready 
to  meet  him;  and  as  it  happen'd  made  the  firft  difcovery, 
clapt  behind  a  Tree  until  Philips  company  came  pretty 
near,  and  then  fired  upon  them,  kilTd  many  of  them,  and  a 
clofe  skirmifh  followed.  Upon  this  Philip  having  grounds 
fufiicient  to   fufpe6t  the   event  of  his    com[4i]pany   that 


282     Tatofon    (Totofon,    Tantozen)    is  of  lands  upon  Weequancett  neck  in  1666  ; 

faid    to    have    been    the    fon    of  Sam  with  others  "engaged  his  Fidelitie "  to 

Barrow,  whole  death  is  mentioned  fur-  the  Colony  at  Plymouth,  6  July,  1671 ; 

ther  on.     There  is  a  tradition  that  his  led    the    party   that   murdered    Clark's 

camp  was  upon  what  —  it  is  thought  Garrifon,  12  March,  1676  (fee  note  156, 

by  corruption  from  his  name  —  is  now  ante),  whereupon   "four  coates"  were 

called  Tozifcr's  neck,  an  upland  penin-  offered  to   Capt.  Amos  as  a  reward   if 

fula  projecting  into  Great-Bear  Swamp,  he  would  "bring  him  in";    and  feems 

about  a  mile  and  a  half  fouth-weft  of  to  have  died  miferably,  foon  after  Phil- 

the  village  of  Rochefter,  Mafs.,  and  a  ip's   death,  as  will   appear  further  on. 

fhort  diftance  eaft  of  the  road  to  Matta-  [Drake's  Book  of  the  Ind.  244;  Plym. 

poifett.     Tatofon  was  witnefs  to  a  deed  Col.  Rcc.  v  :  72,  205,  206,  209.] 

134 


[4i  J 

went  before  them,  fled  back  upon  his  own  Track;  and 
coming  to  the  place  where  the  Ambufh  lay,  they  fired  on 
each  other,   and  one  Lucus  of  Plymouth,^  not  being  fo 


283  Thomas  Lucas  (Lucaje)  has  a 
Angularly  and  perfiftently  bad  record. 
He  firft  appears  before  the  Court,  3 
Feb.,  1656,  when  he  had  a  controverfy 
with  the  widow  Dotey,  and  was  caft  in 
35.;  2  Oct.,  1658,  he  was  fined  105.  for 
a  fecond  conviction  of  drunkennefs,  and 
55.  for  retailing  ftrong  liquors;  6  Oct., 
1659,  ne  was  fined  105.  for  being  drunk; 
7  Mar.,  1659-60,  he  was  fined  305.  for 
abufive  conduct  toward  James  Cole, 
sen.'s  wife  and  James  Cole,  jr.'s  child ; 
2  Oct.,  1660,  he  was  fined  105.  for  be- 
ing drunk  twice;  5  Mar.,  1660-1,  he 
was  bound  in  £20  to  find  fureties  for 
good  behavior,  but  prefenting  himfelf 
in  Court,  "  diftempered  with  drinke," 
and  with  "  vnbefeeming  behauiour"  he 
was  committed  to  prifon  and  fined  40s. ; 
7  May,  following,  he  was  found  drunk, 
and  broke  his  bonds,  and  his  cafe  was 
referred  to  the  next  Court,  which  "upon 
fome  confiderations "  remitted  £10  of 
his  forfeiture ;  3  Mar.,  1662-3  he  was 
fentenced  to  be  "whipt"  for  drunken- 
nefs, but  the  fentence  was  fufpended 
if  he  did  not  offend  again ;  1  Mar., 
1663-4,  ne  S°t  h's  whipping,  and  was 
alfo  bound  over  in  £20,  for  abufing  his 
wife  and  reviling  others;  8  June,  1664, 
he  was  put  in  the  ftocks  for  fwearing ; 
9  June,  1665,  was  imprifoned  24  hours 
for  the  fame  offence;  3  061. ,  1665,  he 
was  fined  xos.  for  being  drunk;  2  Mar., 
1668-9,  his  w'fe  teftified  that  he  had  not 
abufed  her  fince  he  was  bound  over; 


and  he,  promifing  amendment,  was 
releafed  of  that  prefentment;  7  June, 
1670,  he  was  fined  35.  \d.  for  breaking 
the  king's  peace ;  3  June,  1673,  he  was 
arretted  for  being  drunk,  but  "  releafed 
with  admonition";  1  June,  1675,  "for 
being  diftempered  with  drinke,  it  being 
foe  often,  and  that  hee  hath  borne  feu- 
erall  p'ticular  punifhments  gradually, 
and  can  not  be  reclaimed,  it  was  or- 
dered concerning  him  that  all  that  fell 
drinke  be  ftrictly  ordered  and  prohib- 
ited to  let  him  haue  none";  30  Oi5t.r 
1675,  for  being  drunk,  and  for  reviling 
fome  deceafed  magiftrates,  he  was 
"  whipt  att  the  poft."  The  only  coun- 
tervailing records  concerning  him  —  lb 
far  as  they  are  fuch  —  which  I  have 
found,  are  that,  5  Mar.,  1651-2,  he 
gained  £3  125.  in  a  jury  trial  from 
Richard  Hawes;  15  July,  1660,  he  af- 
fixed his  mark  to  the  verdict  of  a  coro- 
ner's inqueft  on  the  death  of  James 
Peirfe ;  and  that,  29  Oct.,  1669,  a  jury 
gave  him  cofts  when  fued  by  Jofeph 
Bartlett,  for  258  lbs.  of  "  beife  delivered 
att  his  houfe."  He  was  clearly  a  mif- 
erable,  drunken,  profane,  quarrelfome 
fellow,  and  his  life  —  as  Church  in- 
timates by  careleffnefs  (he  could  hardly 
have  been  drunk  fo  early  in  the  morn- 
ing)—  found  fit  ending.  He  had  five 
children,  viz:  John,  born  15  July,  1656; 
Mary,  born  15  Mar.,  1658 ;  Benoni,  born 
30  Oct.,  1659;  Samuel,  born  15  Sept., 
1661 ;  and  William,  born  13  Jan.,  1662. 


135 


[4i  ] 

careful  as  he  might  have  been  about  his  Stand,  was  kill'd 
by  the  Indians.  In  this  Swamp  skirmifh  Capt.  Church 
with  his  two  men  which  always  ran  by  his  fide  as  his 
guard,  met  with  three  of  the  Enemy,  two  of  which  furren- 
dred  themfelves,  and  the  Captains  guard  feized  them,  but 
the  other  being  a  great  ftout  furly  fellow,  with  his  two 
locks  ty'd  up  with  red,  and  a  great  Rattle-fnake  skin 
hanging  to  the  back  part  of  his  head,  (whom  Capt.  Church 
concluded  to  be  Totofoii)  ran  from  them  into  the  Swamp 
Capt.  Church  in  perfon  purfued  him  clofe,  till  coming 
pretty  near  up  with  him,  prefented  his  Gun  between  his 
Shoulders,  but  it  miffing  fire,  the  Indian  perceiving  it, 
turn'd  and  prefented  at  Capt.  Church,  and  miffing  fire  alfo ; 
their  Guns  taking  wet  with  the  Fog  and  Dew  of  the 
Morning ;  but  the  Indian  turning  fhort  for  another  run, 
his  foot  trip'd  in  a  fmall  grape-vine,  and  he  fell  flat  on  his 
face;  Capt.  Church  was  by  this  time  up  with  him,  and 
ftruck  the  Muzzle  of  his  Gun  an  inch  and  half  into  the 
back  part  of  his  head,  which  difpatch'd  him  without  an- 
other blow.  But  Capt.  Church  looking  behind  him  faw 
Totofon  the  Indian  whom  he  tho't  he  had  kill'd,  come 
flying  at  him  like  a  dragon :  But  this  happened  to  be  fair 
in  fight  of  the  guard  that  were  fet  to  keep  the  Prifoners, 
who  fpying  Totofon,  and  others  that  were  following  of 
him,  in  the  very  feafonable  juncture  made  a  fhot  upon 
them,  and  refcued  their  Captain;  tho'  he  was  in  no  fmall 

[Plym.  Col.  Rec.  iii :   no,  150,  173,  181,       51,  55,  66,  101,  106;  v:   16,  39,  118,  169, 
196,  200,  206,  207,  212,  220,  223;  iv:  33,       182;  vii:  57,  157;  viii :  23.] 

136 


U*   ] 

danger  from  his  friends  bullets,  for  fome  of  them  came  fo 
near  him  that  he  tho't  he  felt  the  wind  of  them.  The 
skirmifh  being  over,  they  gathered  their  Prifoners  to- 
gether, and  found  the  number  that  they  had  killed  and 
taken  was  173 284  (the  Prifoners  which  they  took  over 
Night  included)  who  after  the  skirmifh  came  to  them,  as 
they  were  ordered. 

Now  having  no  Provifions,  but  what  they  took  from  the 
Enemy,  they  haftened  to  Bridgwater,  fending  an  exprefs 
before  to  provide  for  them,  their  Company  being  now 
very  numerous.  The  Gentlemen  of  Bridgwater  met  Capt. 
Church  with  great  expreffion  of  honour  and  thanks,  and 
received  him  and  his  Army  with  all  due  refpecl;  and  kind 
treatment. 

Capt.  Church  drove  his  Prifoners  that  Night  into  Bridg- 
water Pound,285  and  fet  his  Indian  Souldiers  to  guard 
them.  They  being  well  treated  with  Victuals  and  drink, 
they  had  a  merry  Night;  and  the  Prifoners  laugh'd  as  loud 
as  the  Souldiers,  not  being  fo  treated  a  long  time  before. 

Some  of  the  Indians  now  faid  to  Capt.  Church,  Sir,  You 
have  now  made  Philip  ready  to  dye,  for  you  have  made  him 

284  Hubbard  fays  Church  had  in  his  pay,  and  that  of  his  company,  depend- 

own  force  but  "  30  Englishmen  and  20  ed  on  the  number,  would  fix  it  in  his 

reconciled  Indians,"  and  that  he  took  mind. 

and  killed  "about"  153  of  the  enemy.  285    The    pound  was   fituated  on   the 

[Narrative,  102.]    Increafe  Mather  fays  north  bank  of  the  Town  River,  in  what 

the  fame  [Brief  Hijlory,  44],  and  fo  does  is  now  Weft  Bridgewater,   within  five' 

his  fon,  Cotton.     [Magnalia,  ed.  1853,  ro^s  °f  the  river,  and  ten  rods  below 

u:   575-]     But,  in  this,  Church's  mem-  the  old  town  bridge  ;  oppofite  to  the  fite 

ory,  and  notes,  are  the  beft  authority ;  formerly  occupied  by  the  office  of  Wil- 

the  more  efpecially  as  the  fad:  that  his  liam  Baylies,  Efq. 
18                                                  137 


[■4»  ] 

as  poor,  and  miferable  as  he  us^d  to  make  the  Englifh;  for 
you  have  now  killed  or  taken  all  his  Relations.  That  they 
believed  he  would  now  foon  have  his  head,  and  that  this  bout 
had  almojl  broke  his  heart. 

The  next  day  Capt.  Church  moved  and  arrived  with  all 
his  Prifoners  fafe  at  Plymouth.286  The  great  EngliJJi  army 
were  now  at  Taunton,  and  Maj.  Talcotm  [42]  with  the 
Connecticut  Forces  being  in  thefe  parts  of  the  Country,  did 
conliderable  fpoil  upon  the  Enemy.288 

Now  Capt.  Church  being  arrived  at  Plymouth,  received 
thanks  from  the  Government  for  his  good  Service,  &c. 
many  of  his  Souldiers  were  difbanded;  and  he  tho't  to 
reft  himfelf  awhile,  being  much  fategued  and  his  health 
impared,  by  exceffive  heats  and  colds,  and  wading  thro' 
Rivers,  &c.     But  it  was  not  long289  before  he  was  call'd 


286  Friday,  4  Auguft,  1676. 

287  John  Talcott  (Tailecoat,  Tayl- 
coaf)  Avas  fon  of  John  (who  came  in  the 
"Lion,"  to  Cambridge,  in  1632,  and  re- 
moved with  Hooker  to  Hartford)  ;  was 
born  in  England ;  after  ferving  in  vari- 
ous offices  was  made  chief  military 
officer  of  Hartford  Co.,  26  June,  1672; 
was  made  Major,  7  Aug.,  1673,  and,  26 
Nov.,  1673,  Commander-in-chief  of  all 
forces  then  raiting  againft  New  York; 
15  May,  1676,  he  was  fimilarly  appoint- 
ed over  the  troops  raifed  for  Philip's 
war,  and  was  very  active  and  fuccefsful 
in  his  command.  He  died,  23  July, 
16S8.  He  had  14  children,  by  Helena 
Wakeman  and  Mary  Cook.  [Savage's 
Gen.  Difl.  iv  :  250 ;   Colonial  Records  of 

133 


Con?ieflicut,  ii :   183,  206,  218,  279,  443, 
444.  447-55.  458-65.] 

288  Maj.  Talcott,  with  the  Connecti- 
cut forces,  after  having  killed  and  taken 
many  of  the  Indians  in  the  Narraganfett 
country,  returned  to  Connecticut  about 
5  July.  Having  recruited  his  men  a 
fhort  time,  he  took  his  ftation  at  Weft- 
field,  where  he  fell  with  great  fuccefs 
upon  Indians  fleeing  weftward.  [Trum- 
bull's Hiji.  Conn,  i :  34S.] 

289  Church's  language  here,  and  a 
little  further  on,  is  mifleading;  as  it 
would  feem  to  imply  a  much  greater 
lapfe  of  time  than  really  took  place. 
He  returned  to  Plymouth  from  his  laft 
Bridgewater  expedition,  as  we  have 
feen,   on    Friday,   4   Aug.,    1676.      As 


[42] 


upon  to  Rally,  upon  advice  that  fome  of  the  Enemy  were 
difcovered  in  Dartmouth  woods.  He  took  his  Indians, 
and  as  many  EngliJJi  Volunteers  as  prefented,  to  go  with 
him,  and  fcattering  into  fmall  parcels.  Mr.  Jabez  How- 
land  (who  was  now,  and  often  his  Lieutenant  and  a 
worthy  good  Souldiers) 290  had  the  fortune  to  difcover  and 
imprifon  a  parcel  of  the  Enemy.  In  the  Evening  they 
met  together  at  an  appointed  place,  and  by  examining  the 
Prifoners,  they  gain'd  intelligence  of  Totofons  haunt;291  and 
being  brisk  in  the  Morning,  they  foon  gain'd  an  advantage 
of  Totofons  company,  tho'  he  himfelf  with  his  Son  of  about 
Eight  Years  old  made  their  efcape,  and  one  old  Squaw 
with  them,  to  Agawom™  his  own  Country.  But  Sam 
Barrow^  as  noted  a  Rogue  as  any  among  the  Enemy, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  EngU/h,  at  this  time.  Capt. 
Church  told  him,  That  bccaufe  of  his  inhumane  Murders 
and  Barbarities,  the  Court  had  allow' d  him  no  quarter,  but 
was  to  be  forthwith  put  to  Death,  and  therefore  he  was  to 
prepare  for  it.      Barrow   reply'd,    That   the   Sentence   of 


Philip  was  killed  one  week  from  the 
next  day,  and  as  Church  muft  have 
been  at  leaft  one  day  on  the  route  to 
Pocafiet  and  Rhode-Ifland,  only  four 
week-days  are  left  after  the  Sabbath 
following  his  return  from  Bridgewater, 
for  the  expedition  toward  Dartmouth 
woods.  It  would  feem,  then,  that 
Church  only  laid  ftill  over  Saturday 
and  Sunday,  —  which,  literally,  was 
"  not  long,  "  —  and  "  rallied  "  for  Dart- 
mouth on  Monday,  7  Aug. 
290  See  note  207,  ante. 


291  See  note  282,  ante.  If  this  refers 
to  Toivfer's  neck  in  Rochefter,  the  par- 
ty probably  did  not  crofs  the  Acufhnet 
River  at  this  time. 

292  See  note  209,  ante. 

293  Sam.  I?a)-row  is  ftated  to  have 
been  Tatofoiis  father  (fee  note  2S2, 
ante).  I  find  nothing  elfe  concerning 
him,  except  that  he  appears  to  figure 
upon  the  Colony  Records  in  the  lift  of 
the  party  deftroying  Clark's  Garrifon, 
under  the  name  of  Sanballctt.  \_Plym. 
Col.  Rec.  v  :  206.] 


*39 


[4*  ] 

Death  againjl  him  was  jufl,  and  that  indeed  he  was  a/Jiamed 
to  live  any  longer,  and  dejired  no  more  favour  than  to  Smoke 
a  Whiff  of  Tobacco  before  his  Execution.  When  he  had 
taken  a  few  Whiffs,  he  faid,  He  was  ready ;  upon  which 
one  of  Capt.  Churches  Indians  funk  his  Hatchet  into  his 
Brains.  The  famous  Totofon  arriving  at  Agawom,  his 
Son  which  was  the  laft  which  was  left  of  his  Family  (Capt. 
Church  having  deftroyed  all  the  reft)  fell  lick:  The  wretch 
reflecting  upon  the  miferable  condition  he  had  bro't  him- 
felf  into,  his  heart  became  as  a  ftone  within  him,  and  he 
dy'd.294  The  old  Squaw  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brufh  over 
him,  and  came  into  Sandwich,  and  gave  this  account  of  his 
death,  and  offered  to  fhew  them  where  fhe  left  his  body; 
but  never  had  the  opportunity,  for  fhe  immediately  fell 
fick  and  dy'd  alfo. 

Capt.  Church  being  now  at  PI  mouth  again  weary  and 
worn,  would  have  gone  home  to  his  Wife  and  Family,  but 
the  Government  being  Solicitous  to  ingage  him  in  the 
Service  until  Philip  was  (lain,  and  promiling  him  fatis- 
faftion  and  redrefs  for  fome  miftreatment  that  he  had  met 
with:  He  fixes  for  another  Expedition;  he  had  foon  Vol- 
unteers enough  to  make  up  the  Company  he  defired  and 
Marched  thro'  the  Woods,  until  he   came   to  Pocaffet™ 

29i  It  is  prefumable  that  this  fon  of  on  Friday  morning,  at  the  lateft,  thus 

eight  years,    who   thus   fell    fick,    died  to   have   reached   PocafTet   in    time    to 

before  his  father;   as  the  fquaw  appa-  crofs  the  ferry,  and  ride  8  miles  down 

rently  made    no    further    mention    of  the  ifland,  while  it  was  yet  light  enough 

him.  on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  the  nth,  to 

295    He  muft  have  left  Plymouth  by  "fpy"  horfemen  coming   "at  a   great 

Thurfday  night,  io  Aug.,  or  very  early  pace,"  at  a  diftance. 

140 


U*  ] 

And  not  feeing  nor  hearing  of  any  of  the  Enemy,  they 
went  over  the  Ferry  to  Rhode- ■I/land,  to  refrefh  them- 
felves.  The  Captain  with  about  half  a  dozen  in  his  com- 
pany took  Horfe  &  rid  about  eight  Miles  down  the  I/land, 
to  Mr.  San/ordsm  where  he  had  left  his  Wife;   who  no 


296  See  note  245,  ante.  Since  that 
was  in  type,  I  have  gained  fome  ad- 
ditional facls,  which  may  be  fet  down 
here. 

Maj.  San  ford  lived  about  half  a  mile 
fouth  of  (the  prefent)  Portfmouth  line, 
in  what  is  now  Middletown  (then  New- 
port) ;  which  made  his  farm  about 
"eight  miles  down  the  Ifland"  from 
Tripp's  Ferry.  [MS.  letter  of  Mr. 
Richard  Sherman.] 

In  16S2,  he  rendered  an  account, 
amounting  to  £103  95.  gd.,  to  Plym- 
outh-Colony Court,  for  fervices  ren- 
dered the  wounded  men  of  the  army, 
after  the  great  Narraganfett  Swamp 
fight.  (See  p.  60,  &c,  ante.)  Some 
items  of  that  account  are  of  intereft 
enough  to  warrant  its  infertion  here,  as 
carting  light  upon  that  portion  of  the 
war.  [I  copy  from  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  vi : 
1 18-120,  fupplying  conjecturally  fome 
miffing  words,  and  condenfing  fome 
items.] 

"  Peleg  Sanford,  Efq.  his  Account, 
appointed  to  be  recorded,  at  June  Court, 
1682. 

"  Rhode-Ifland,  anno  1675.  Gen.  Jo- 
fiah  Winflow's  Debit'. 

£       s.       d. 

"  To  treatment  of  2S  wound- 
ed men  fr.  —  Dec.  vntell 
y°  25th  day 4    04    o 


£ 
"To   Almy  for  244  lbs.  of 

mutton 3 

"To  Almy,  10  yds.  duffles 

for  wounded  ....  3 
"To  Almy,  2^  cord  of  wood 

for  do 1 

"To    firkin  of   butter  —  66 

lbs.  at  6d  pr.  lb.  (firkin 

i8d) 1 

"  To  451  h  lbs.  mutton  deliv- 
ered at  the  houfe  of  Mr. 
Brinton  &  Rob'.  Carr  for 
tenders  of  wounded  men     5 

"To  12  lb.  candles  &  10  lb. 
butter,  to  do  houfes,   .     .     o 

"To  6  bulhels  Ind.  Corn, 
to  do, 1 

"  To  2  gall,  mallaflas  to  do,     o 

"  To  102  lb.  fait  beefe  &  7 
lb.  porke  to  do  .     .     .     .     1 

"  To  i6£  cords  wood,  at  8s, 
&  4  load  of  wood   ...     7 

"  To  3  qts  rum  to  Lowell     .     o 

"To  15  lbs.  flax,  with  6  lb. 
fent  to  the  garifon       .     .     o 

"  To  Capt.  Green,  for  bear 
for  the  wounded     .     .     .     o 

"  To  calh  for  buriall  of  Link- 
horn,  Harrifs,  Sumerf- 
bury,  and  one  more  .     .     1 

"  To    74    lb.    fugar    among 

wounded   1 

141 


14    6 


12    9 


04  o 

05  o 

07    6 


16 

0 

03 

9 

15 

0 

02 

6 

17    o 


[43  ] 

fooner  faw  him  but  [43]  fainted  with  the  furprize;  and  by 
that  time  fhe  was  a  little  revived,  they  fpy'd  two  Horfe- 
men  coming  a  great  pace.  Capt.  Church  told  his  com- 
pany that  thofe  men  (by  their  riding)  came  with  Tydings. 
When  they  came  up  they  prov'd  to  be  Maj.  Sanford  and 
Capt.  Golding  ;297  who  immediately  ask'd  Capt.  Church, 
What  he  would  give  to  hear  fome  News  of  Philip  ?  He 
reply'd,  That  was  what  he  wanted.     They  told  him,  They 


"  To  28I  gall,  rum  to  Docftor 

for  wounded J     03     i| 

"To    2    fat   fheep  to  Doc°t. 

Hawkins     for     wounded 

that    went   in   ye    veffell 

with  him o     iS     o 

"To  8  yds  duffles  to  Serg*. 

Witherly,   Jams   Bell    & 

other    Tanton    men,    y' 

came    wounded    to    my 

houfe  Dec.  24     ....     2     08    o 
"  To  cafh  to  J.  Bell  to  bear 

his  charges  home  .     .     .     o     04     o 
"  To  Serg'.  Witherell,  Jains 

Bell   &  White   for  diatt, 

lodg'g   &    attendance,    2 

one    month    &     1    three 

weeks,  at  85.  per  week     .     4    08     o 
"To    Left.    Sauage,    Doc5t. 

Cuttler,     &     their     men 

&c.  &c 15     03     o 

"To    Docl.    Hawkins    diet 

&c  about  a  month .     .     .     1     12     o 
"  To  Lieut.  Vpham,  fr.   24 

Dec.     to     14    March,    & 

his  kinfman  for  diet  &c. 

at  Si  each,  his  filter  alfo 

a  confiderable   p*    of   y8 

time q    02     o 


"To    do.    Vpham    ih   gall. 

rum,     &    15    lb.    mutton 

when  he  went  away  .     .     o     11     3 
"  To  en-ate  Wm  Brenton  for 

hire  of  room  fr.  24  Dec. 

to   17  Odt.   1676,  ye   day 

that      Serjafi     Witherell 

went  out  of  it,  at  £5  pr 

year 4    01     'jh 

"  To  do.  Witherly  for  fun- 

dryes,  as  p.  his  acct    .     .     3     12     11 
"  To    damage    fuftained    in 

my    beding     and     other 

houfehold      ftuffe,      with 

things    peloined    by    in- 
comers,      which        here 

charge   £20,  att  prefent, 

for  thought  the  damage 

be  far  more 20    00    o 


£103       9     9 


"Dated  in  New  Port,  on  Rhode 
Ifland,  y"  26th  day  Jan.  167?." 

[There  were  credits  given,  amounting 
to  £22  95.  od.  The  balance  of  the  lhare 
of  Plymouth  in  the  account  was  then 
paid.] 

297  See  note  93,  ante. 


142 


[43  ] 

had  rid  hard  with  fome  hopes  of  overtaking  of  him,  and 
were  now  come  on  purpofe  to  inform  Mm,  That  there  was 
juflnow  Ty  dings  from  Mount-hope;  An  Indian  came  down 
from  thence  {where  Philips  Camp  now  was)   on  to  Sand- 
point298  over  againfl  Trips,299  and  hollowed,  and  made  figns 
to  be  fetched  over;  and  being  fetch' d  over,  he  reported,  That 
he  was  fled  from  Philip,  who  (faid  he)  has  kilPd  my  Brother 
jufl  before  I  came  away,  for  giving  fome  advice  that  dif- 
pleafed  him.300     And  faid,  he  was  fled  for  fear  of  meeting 
with  the  fame  his  Brother  had  met  with.     Told  them  alfo, 
That  Philip  was  now  in  Mount-hope  Neck.     Capt.  Church 
thank'd  them  for  their  good  News,  and  faid,  he  hop'd  by 
to    Morrow  Morning   to    have    the    Rogues    head.      The 
Horfes  that  he  and  his  company  came  on  Handing  at  the 
door,   (for  they  had  not  been  unfaddled)   his  Wife  muft 
content  her  felf  with  a  fhort  vifit,  when  fuch  game  was 
a-head;    they  immediately   Mounted,   fet    Spurs    to   their 
Horfes,  and   away.     The  two   Gentlemen  that   bro't  him 
the  Tydings,  told  him,  They  would  gladly  wait  upon  him  to 

298  Sandy  Point  is  on  the  Briftol  fide  years.     [/?.-/.  Col.  Pec.  iii :  535 ;   MS. 
of  Briftol  Ferry,  near  where  the  light-  letter  of  Mr.  Richard  Sherman.] 
houfe  now  ftands.     \MS.  letter  of  Mr.  s0°  "  He  caufed  one  of  his  Confeder- 
Richard  Sherman.]  ates  to  be  killed  for   propounding   an 

299  Tripp's  was  the  name  then,  or  foon  expedient  of  peace."  [Hubbard's  Nar- 
after  (long  before  Church  dictated,  at  rative,  103.]  Increafe  Mather  fays, 
leaft),  current  for  Briftol  Ferry,  which  "  One  of  Philips  men  (being  diigufted 
was  run  by  Abial  Tripp,  who  lived  on  with  him  for  killing  an  Indian  who 
the  Portfmouth  fide,  and  who,  with  had  propounded  an  expedient  for  peace 
John  Burden,  received  the  formal  right  with  the  EngliJIi)  ran  away  from  him, 
to  the  "  ferry  privilege  "  for  feven  years,  and  coming  to  Road-Iiland,  informed 
2  Aug.,  1698,  which  was  renewed,  19  that  Philip  was  now  returned  again  to 
June,    1705,    "as   formerly,"   for   feven  Mount-Hope,  Sic."    \_Brief  HiJiory,\d.~\ 

H3 


[43  ] 

fee  the  event  of  this  Expedition.  He  thank'd  them,  and  told 
them,  he  mould  be  as  fond  of  their  company  as  any  Mens; 
and  (in  fhort)  they  went  with  him.  And  they  were  foon 
as  Trips  Ferry  (with  Capt  Churches  company)  where 
the  deferter  was;  who  was  a  fellow  of  good  fenfe,  and 
told  his  flory  handfomely:  he  offered  Capt.  Church  to 
Pilot  him  to  Philip,  and  to  help  to  kill  him,  that  he  might 
revenge  his  Brothers  death.  Told  him,  That  Philip  was 
now  upon  a  little  fpot  of  Upland  that  was  in  the  South 
end  of  the  miery  Swamp  juft  at  the  foot  of  the  Mount,301 
which  was  a  fpot  of  ground  that  Capt.  Church  was  well 
acquainted  with.  By  that  time302  they  were  got  over  the 
Ferry,  and  came  near  the  ground  half  the  Night  was 
fpent,  the  Capt.  commands  a  halt,  and  bringing  the  com- 
pany together,  he  asked  Maj  Sanford  &  Capt.  Goldings 
advice,  what  method  was  beft  to  take  in  making  the  on- 
fet,  but  they  declining  giving  any  advice,  telling  him, 
That  his  great  Experience  &  Succefs  forbid  their  taking 
upon  them  to  give  advice.  Then  Capt.  Church  offered 
Capt.  Golding,  that  he  mould  have  the  honour  (if  he 
would  pleafe  accept  of  it)  to  beat  up  Philips  headquarters. 
He  accepted  the  offer  and  had  his  alotted  number  drawn 
out  to  him,  and  the  Pilot.  Capt.  Churches  inftructions  to 
him  were  to  be  very  careful  in  his  approach  to  the  Enemy, 
and  be  fure  not  to  fhew  himfelf  until  by  day  light  they 

301  "  Philip  was  furprifed  and  killed  802    The   diftance   of   the    fwamp    in 

by  Col.  Church  at  a  little  knoll  on  the  which  Philip  was  concealed  was  not 
fouth-weft  fide,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  much  more  than  two  miles  from  the 
Hope."  [Feflenden's  Warren,  R.-I.,$o.~\      landing  of  the  ferry  on  the  Briftol  fide. 

144 


[44  ] 

might  fee  and  difcern  their  own  men  from  the  Enemy. 
Told  him  alfo,  That  his  cuftom  in  the  like  cafes  was  to 
creep  with  his  company  on  their  bellies,  until  they  came 
as  near  as  they  could;  and  that  as  foon  as  the  Enemy  dif- 
covered  them  they  would  cry  out;  and  that  was  the  word 
[44]  for  his  Men  to  fire  and  fall  on.  Directed  him  when 
the  Enemy  mould  ftart  and  take  into  the  Swamp,303  they 
mould  purfue  with  fpeed,  every  man  fhouting  and  making 
what  noife  they  could;  for  he  would  give  orders  to  his 
Ambufcade  to  fire  on  any  that  mould  come  filently.  Capt. 
Church  knowing  it  was  Philips  cuftom  to  be  fore-moft  in 
the  flight,  went  down  to  the  Swamp  and  gave  Capt.  Wil- 
liams of  Situate30*  the  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the 
Ambufh,  and  placed  an  EngliJJi-man  and  an  Indian  to- 
gether behind  fuch  fhelters  of  Trees,  &c.  that  he  could 
find,  and  took  care  to  place  them  at  fuch  diftance  as  none 
might  pafs  undifcovered  between  them,  charg'd  'em  to  be 
careful  of  themfelves,  and  of  hurting  their  friends:  And  to 
fire  at  any  that  fhould  come  filently  thro'  the  Swamp: 
But  it  being  fome-what  further  thro'  the  Swamp  than  he 

313  Philip  was  on  an  upland  ifland  in  feruill   worke  "   on   the    Sabbath  ;    had 

the  midft  of  the  fwamp;  of  courfe  when  various  controverfies  and  lawfuits,  and 

alarmed  he  would  run  into  the  fwamp  died   22  June,    1694,   aged   70,   leaving 

in  the  endeavor  to  efcape  through  it,  —  one  of  the  largeft  eftates  at  that  time 

their  habitual  courfe  on  fuch  occafions.  exifting  in  the  country;  his  farm  having 

304  John  Williams  (oldeft  child  of  been  laid  to  be  the  belt  in  the  Old  Col- 
John,  of  Scituate)  bore  arms  in  1643,  onj.  He  appears  never  to  have  mar- 
and  was  a  houfeholder  in  1647 ;  was  ried.  [Deane's  Scituate,  385 ;  Sav- 
Captain  in  Philip's  war;  was  Deputy  age's  Gen.  Did.  iv:  562;  Ply?n.  Col. 
from  Scituate,  in  1676,  16S1,  and  1691;  Bee.  v:  99,  214;  vi :  24,  61,  173,  174, 
was  fined  405.  1  July,  1672,  for  "  doing  19S,  202,  259.] 

19  H5 


[  44  ] 

was  aware  of,  he  wanted  men  to  make  up  his  Ambufcade; 
having  placed  what  men  he  had,  he  took  Maj.  Sanford  by 
the  hand,  faid,  Sir,  I  have  fo  placed  them  that  "'tis  fcarce 
pojjible  Philip  JJiould  efcape  them.  The  fame  moment  a 
Shot  whiftled  over  their  heads,  and  then  the  noife  of  a  Gun 
towards  Philips  camp.  Capt.  Church  at  firft  tho't  it  might 
be  fome  Gun  fired  by  accident:  but  before  he  could  fpeak, 
a  whole  Volley  followed,  which  was  earlier  than  he  ex- 
pected. One  of  Philips  gang  going  forth  to  eafe  himfelf, 
when  he  had  done,  look'd  round  him,  &  Capt.  Golding 
thought  the  Indian  looked  right  at  him  (tho'  probably 
'twas  but  his  conceit)  fo  fired  at  him,  and  upon  his  firing, 
the  whole  company  that  were  with  him  fired  upon  the 
Enemies  fhelter,  before  the  Indians  had  time  to  rife  from 
their  fleep,  and  fo  over-fhot  them.  But  their  fhelter  was 
open  on  that  fide  next  the  Swamp,  built  fo  on  purpofe  for 
the  convenience  of  flight  on  occafion.305  They  were  foon 
in  the  Swamp  and  Philip  the  foremoft,  who  ftarting  at  the 
firft  Gun  threw  his  Petunk306  and  Powder-horn  over  his 

305    A  kind  of  Jhed  wigwam,  in  the  fays  (under  the  head  of  Ndkekick,  i.e., 

New-England   fenfe   of  that  adjective,  "  parched   meal "),    "  I   have    travelled 

with  the  open  fide  toward  the  fwamp.  with  neere  200  of  them  at  once,  neere 

3J6  Petunk,  literally,  "  that  into  which  100    miles    through   the   woods,    every 

fomething  is  put,"  i.  e.,  the  pouch,  or  man  carrying  a  little  Bafket  of  this  at 

haverfack,   which    the    Indian    always  his    back,   and  fometimes  in  a  hollow 

carried  by  way  of  pocket.      Eliot  ufes  Leather  Girdle  about  his  middle,  fuffi- 

the  word  (in  1   Sam.  xvii :  40,)  for  Da-  cient  for  a  man  for  three  or  four  daies. 

vid's  "  fcrip  " ;  and  for  "  purfe  "  (in  Luke  With    this  readie  provifion,   and  their 

xxii :     35),    and     uniformly    tranflates  Bow  and  Arrowes  [this  was  printed  in 

"quiver"  by  fietan,  a  word  of  nearly  1643,  before  the  Indians  had  acquired 

the    fame    fignification.       Roger    Wil-  the  ufe  of  fire-arms],  are  they  ready  for 

liams    [Key  R.-I.   Hift.    Coll.    i :    33]  War,  and  travell  at  an  houres  warning. 

146 


[44] 


head,  catch'd  up  his  Gun,  and  ran  as  fait  as  he  could 
fcamper,  without  any  more  clothes  than  his  fmall  breeches 
and  ftockings,  and  ran  directly  upon  two  of  Capt. 
Churches  Ambufh;  they  let  him  come  fair  within  fhot,  and 
the  EngliJJi  mans307  Gun  miffing  fire,308  he  bid  the  In- 
dian 309  fire  away,  and  he  did  fo  to  purpofe,  fent  one  Musket 

With   a  fpoonfull  of  this  meale  and  a 
fpootifull   of   water   from   the   Brooke, 

have  I  made  many  a  good  dinner  and 

fupper."      [Compare    Schoolcraft's    I?i- 
fortnation  rcffieffi.  Ind.  Tribes,  i :  So.] 
307  Baylies  {Hiji.  Mem.   New  Plym. 

iii :    16S]   fays    that   this   Englishman's 

name   was    Francis    Cook.       But    the 

Mafs.  Historical  Collections  [2d  Series 

iv :  63]  for  1816,  (14  years  before  Efq. 

Baylies  publiihed),  contain  a  note  from 
John  Lothrop,  affirming  that  the  name 

of  this   foldier  of  Church   was    Caleb 

Cook.      The  latter  Christian    name    is 

fupported  by  the  fact,  that  the  Colony 

Records  fhow  the  exiftence,  in  1676,  of 

a    Caleb    Cook,    then    aged   25 ;    while 

Francis,  who  came  in  the  Mayflower, 

had  been  dead  13  years ;   his  grandfon 

Francis,  born  5  Jan.,  1663,  died  at  lefs 

than  two  years  of  age ;    and  no  other 

Francis  appears. 

Caleb   Cook  was  oldeft  fon  of  Jacob 

(youngeft   fon   of  Mayflower  Francis) 

and    Damaris,    daughter    of    Stephen 

Hopkins,  and  was  born  29  Mar.,  1651 ; 

he  ferved  on  a  coroner's  jury  at  Ply- 
mouth,  20   Oct.,   1675,   in    the   cafe   of 

John  Fallowell ;    is  down  for  a  fine  of 

£1  10s.,  12  June,  16S5  1  and  ferved  on  a 

trial  jury  in    the  July  Court   of  16S6. 

He  had  a  great  grandfon,  Silvanus,  of 

Kingfton,  Mafs.,  who  held  in  his  pof- 


feffion  the  gun  with  which  the  Indian 
fhot  King  Philip  (which,  according  to 
family  tradition,  Cook  exchanged  with 
him  for  his  own),  and  who  gave  the 
lock  to  one  of  the  Lothrops,  from  whom 
John  Lothrop  gave  it  to  the  Cabinet  of 
the  Mafs.  Historical  Society,  where  it 
ftill  is.  Many  years  after,  the  barrel 
was  prefented  by  John  Cook,  of  Kingf- 
ton, to  the  Cabinet  of  the  Pilgrim  So- 
ciety in  Plymouth,  in  which  cuftody  it 
remains.  [Savage's  Gen.  Did.  i:  446; 
Plym.  Col.  Pec.  v  :  1S2;  vi :  196;  viii : 
165;  Ruffell's  Pilgrim  Mem.  105.] 

3"8  Hubbard  adds  that  "  the  morning 
being  wet  and  rainy, "  —  which  Church's 
fubfequent  ftatement  about  the  fun  and 
the  dew  does  not  confirm,  —  "  the  En- 
glish man's  gun  would  not  fire,  the  In- 
dian having  an  old  Musket  with  a  large 
touch-hole,  it  took  fire  the  more  read- 
ily."    \_Narrative,  105.] 

309  Church's  testimony  is  conclufive 
as  to  the  identity  of  this  Indian  with 
that  one  known  as  Alderma?i  among 
the  colonifts ;  and  both  Hubbard  and 
Mather  aSTert  the  fame.  I  doubt,  how- 
ever, the  truth  of  the  common  averment 
that  Alderman  was  the  Indian  whofe 
brother  Philip  had  killed,  and  who 
guided  Church's  party  to  the  fwamp. 
Neither  Church,  Hubbard,  nor  Mather 
fay  that,  —  however,  on  a  caiual  reading? 


H7 


[  44  ] 


Bullet  thro'  his  heart,  and  another  not  above  two  inches 
from  it;  he  fell  upon  his  face  in  the  Mud  &  Water  with 
his  Gun  under  him.  By  this  time  the  Enemy  perceived 
they  were  way  laid  on  the  eaft  fide  of  the  Swamp,  tack'd 
fhort  about.  One  of  the  Enemy  who  feem'd  to  be  a  great 
furly  old  fellow,  hollow'd  with  a  loud  voice,  &  often  called 
out,  iootaJJi,  iootaJJi™  Capt.  Church  called  to  his  Indian 


the  latter  two  might  appear  to  fay  it. 
A  careful  examination  of  their  words 
ftiows  that  they  only  affert  that  Philip 
was  flain  by  one  of  his  own  race,  who 
had  kept  himfelf  neutral  until  now; 
and  fpeak  of  his  killer  as  an  Indian, 
rather  than  the  Indian,  to  whom  they 
had  before  referred.  It  feems  to  me 
more  natural  if  Alderman  had  been  his 
informant  and  guide,  that  Church 
fhould  have  mentioned  the  remarkable 
fact  distinctly,  when  defcribing  his 
agency  in  the  death  of  the  chieftain. 
Hutchinfon  appears  to  be  refponfible 
for  the  firft  ftatement  abfolutely  identi- 
fying the  pilot  with  the  flayer;  faying 
[Hift.  Mafs.  i :  277],  "  One  of  his  own 
men,  whom  he  had  offended,  and  who 
had  deferted  to  the  Englifh,  fhot  him 
through  the  heart,"  which  he  might 
eafily  bafe,  by  a  mifapprehenfion,  upon 
Hubbard  and  Mather.  Trumbull  [Hift. 
Conn,  i :  349]  repeats  (probably  from 
Hutchinfon)  the  ftatement:  "The  In- 
dian who  had  been  guide  to  the  party, 
fhot  him  through  the  heart."  Drake, 
Thatcher,  Fowler,  Arnold,  and  others 
have  followed  Trumbull.  Jones's  letter 
to  Gov.  Leet,  publifhed  by  Mr.  Trumbull 
[Col.  Rec.  Conn,  ii :  470],  is  probably 
the  frelheft  document  bearing  on   the 


queftion ;  and  his  language  naturally 
implies  a  diftinction  in  his  mind  be- 
tween the  guide  and  the  killer. 

Hubbard  [Narrative,  106]  fays  Alder- 
man was  "of  Sakonet."  But  Mather 
[Brief  Hijl.  47]  with  more  particular- 
ity adds,  "  the  Indian  who  thus  killed 
Philip,  did  formerly  belong  to  the 
Squaw-Sachim  of  Pocajfet  ( Weeta- 
moe),  being  known  by  the  name  of 
Alderman.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  he  came  to  the  Governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, manifefting  his  defire  to  be  at 
peace  with  the  Englijh,  and  immedi- 
ately withdrew  to  an  Ifland,  not  having 
engaged  againft  the  EngliJJi  nor  for 
them,  before  this  time."  I  find  no  con- 
firmation of  this  ftatement  on  the  Court 
Records. 

310  Iootajk  is  a  verb  in  the  impera- 
tive, 2d  perfon,  fingular,  and  means 
"  Fight  !  "  Eliot  would  have  written 
AycutcaJJi.  He  has  Ay eu teak,  for  the 
plural  "fight  ye,"  (in  1  Sam.  iv :  9.) 
Roger  Williams  fpells  this  laft  [Key, 
chap,  xxix]  "  Juhetteke,  Fight,  which 
is  their  word  of  incouragement  which 
they  ufe  when  they  animate  each  other 
in  warre ;  for  they  ufe  their  tongues  in 
ftead  of  drummes  and  trumpets."  [R.- 
I.  Ilijl.  Coll.  i :    148.] 


140 


[45  ] 


Peter511  and  ask'd  him,  Who  that  was  that  called  fo?  He 
anfwered,  It  was  old  Annowon  Philips  great  Captain,312  call- 
ing on  his  Souldiers  to  ftand  to  it  and  right  ftoutly.  Now 
the  Enemy  finding  that  place  of  the  Swamp  which  was  not 
Ambufh'd,  many  of  them  made  their  efcape  in  the  EngliJJi 
Tracks.313  The  Man  that  had  fhot  down  Philip,  ran  with  all 
fpeed  to  Capt  Church,  and  informed  him  of  his  exploit,  who 
commanded  him  to  be  Silent  about  it,  &  let  no  man  more 
know  it,  until  they  had  drove  the  Swamp  [45]  clean;  but 
when  they  had  drove  the  Swamp  thro'  &  found  the  Enemy 
had   efcaped,  or  at  leaft  the  moft  of  them;   and  the  Sun 


311  Probably  Peter,  fon  of  Awafhonks. 
[See  note  12,  ante,  and  p.  87.] 

812  Anna-won  (Annowan,  Anoivoti) 
was  one  of  Maffafoit's  chiefs,  and  fo 
one  of  Philip's  oldeft  braves.  The  only 
record  which  I  find  of  him,  previous  to 
his  connection  with  this  war,  is  his  ap- 
pearance as  a  witnefs,  in  1672,  to  two 
fales  of  land  by  Philip  to  William 
Brenton  and  others.  His  capture  and 
fate  will  foon  be  referred  to.  [Drake's 
Book  of  Ind.  200.] 

His  name  fuggefts  a  probable  deriva- 
tion from  Nanaxvunnum,  "  he  rules"  or 
"  has  authority"  (Eliot),  or  the  verbal 
JVananuzvaen,  "  a  ruler,"  "  an  overfeer." 
Roger  Williams  has  Naun6uivhcant, 
"a  nurfe"  or  "keeper."  [7?.-/.  Hift. 
Coll.  i:  52.]  The  primary  fignification 
of  the  verb  is  "to  keep  with  care,"  "  to 
take  care  of." 

313  Hubbard  fays  Philip  had  "  a  few 
of  his  beft  friends  "  with  him ;  and  that 
"5  of  his  truftieft  followers  —  of  whom 
one  was  faid  to  be  the  Son  of  his  chief 


Captain,  that  had  fhot  the  firft  gun  at  the 
Engliih  the  year  before"  —  were  kiiled. 
Mather  fays  that  "  he,  with  7  of  his 
men,"  were  in  this  fwamp  and  that  "5 
of  his  men  were  killed  with  him,  —  one 
of  which  was  his  chief  Captain's  Son, 
being  (as  the  Indians  teftifie)  that  very 
Indian  who  lhot  the  firft  gun  at  the  En- 
gliJJi when  the  War  began."  Wm.  Jones 
fays,  —  writing  a  fortnight  after,  from 
New  Haven,  and  repeating  the  tefti- 
mony  to  him  of  "  one  James  Shore, 
come  in  this  week  to  Fairfield,  in  a  vef- 
fell  from  Rhod  Ifeland,"  —  "Philip  in 
labouring  to  efcape  was  fhot  at  ift  by 
ye  Engliih,  but  miffed,  and  then  lhot 
downe  by  an  Indian.  All  y"  reft,  but 
one  more  killd  and  one  or  two  wound- 
ed, efcaping."  Church's  own  language 
would  feem  to  imply  that  there  were 
more  than  feven  men  with  Philip  ;  that 
more  than  one  befides  Philip  was 
flopped ;  and  that  many  of  them  got 
away.  [Narrative,  103 ;  Brief  llifl. 
47;  Col.  Rcc.  Conn,  ii :  471.] 
49 


[45  ] 


now  up,  and  fo  the  dew  gone,  that  they  could  not  fo  eafily 
Track  them,  the  whole  Company  met  together  at  the 
place  where  the  Enemies  Night  fhelter  was;  and  then 
Capt.  Church  gave  them  the  news  of  Philips  death  \  upon 
which  the  whole  Army  gave  Three  loud  Huzza's.  Capt 
Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pull'd  out  of  the  mire  on  to 
the  Upland,  fo  fome  of  Capt.  Churches  Indians  took  hold 
of  him  by  his  Stockings,  and  fome  by  his  fmall  Breeches, 
(being  otherwife  naked)  and  drew  him  thro'  the  Mud 
unto  the  Upland,  and  a  doleful,  great,  naked,  dirty  beaft, 
he  look'd  like.314  Capt.  Church  then  faid,  That  forafmuch 
as  he  had  catifed  many  an  Englifh-mans  body  to  lye  unburied 
and  rot  above  ground,  that  not  one  of  his  bones  JJwuld  be 
buried.  And  calling  his  old  Indian  Executioner,  bid  him 
behead   and  quarter  him.315     Accordingly,  he  came  with 


314  This  is  the  plain  profe  comment 
of  an  obferver  upon  the  facts  as  they 
appeared  to  him.  Dr.  Palfrey  has  well 
referred  to  it,  in  his  very  juft  remarks 
on  the  poetic  exaggeration  with  which 
mo  ft  of  our  later  literature  has  dealt 
with  Philip.     \_HiJl.  N.  E.  iii :  223.] 

315  The  idea  in  New  England  at  that 
time  feems  to  have  been  that  Philip 
was  a  rebel  againft  King  Charles  2d, 
and,  as  fuch,  deferved  the  State  punifh- 
ment  of  treafon,  which,  in  England, 
until  the  30th  year  of  George  3d,  was 
1.  To  be  drawn  (latterly,  on  a  hurdle, 
fo  as  to  avoid  the  extreme  torment  of 
being  dragged  over  the  ground)  to  the 
gallows ;  2.  To  be  hanged  by  the  neck, 
and  cut  down  alive;  3.  To  have  the 
entrails  cut  out  and  burned,  while  the 


fufferer  ftill  lived  ;  4.  To  be  beheaded  ; 
5.  That  the  body  be  cut  into  four  quar- 
ters ;  6.  That  the  head  and  quarters  be 
at  the  king's  difpofal.  [4,  Black/tone's 
Comm.  92.]  Church's  action,  in  the 
light  of  the  public  fentiment  of  that 
daj',  was  far  from  indicating  an  inhu- 
man revenge,  or  a  cruel  difpofition.  It 
could  fcarcely  be  expected  that  thefe 
remote  and  backwoods  colonies  were 
to  go  beyond  the  mother  country  in 
refinement.  And  it  was  not  yet  17 
years  fince  Parliament  had  voted  the 
dijinterment  of  Cromwell,  Ireton,  and 
Bradfhaw,  and  their  decaying  remains 
had  been  hanged  at  Tyburn,  and  their 
heads  ftuck  on  poles  on  the  top  of 
Weftminfter  Hall  fronting  Palace  Yard ; 
while  nearly  20  years  later  than  Philip's 


150 


[45  ] 

his  Hatchet  and  flood  over  him,  but  before  he  ftruck  he 
made  a  fmall  Speech  directing  it  to  Philip',  and  faid,  He 
had  been  a  very  great  Alan,  and  had  made  many  a  man 
afraid  of  him,  but  fo  big  as  he  was  he  would  now  chop  his 
Afs  for  him  ;  and  fo  went  to  work,  and  did  as  he  was 
ordered.  Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand  being 
much  fcarr'd,  occafioned  by  the  fplitting  of  a  Piftol  in  it 
formerly.     Capt.  Church  gave  the  head  and  that  hand316  to 


death,  Evelyn  entered  in  his  Diary  (10 
April,  1696),  "The  quarters  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Perkins  and  Sir  John  Friend, 
lately  executed  on  the  plot,  with  Per- 
kins's head,  were  fet  up  at  Temple-Bar; 
a  difmal  fight."  Indeed,  Walpole  wrote 
to  Montague,  16  Aug.,  1746,  "  paffed 
under  the  new  heads  at  Temple  Bar, 
where  people  make  a  trade  of  letting 
fpying-glaffes  at  a  halfpenny  a  look"; 
and  it  is  on  record  that  Goldfmith 
joked  Johnfon  in  regard  to  fimilar 
adornments  of  that  ftrudture ;  and,  as 
late  as  1  April,  1772,  a  news-writer  fet 
down :  "  yefterday  one  of  the  rebels' 
heads  on  Temple  Bar  fell  down.  There 
is  only  one  head  now  remaining." 
Thefe  facts  fhould  have  protected  our 
fathers  from  Peter  Oliver's  malignant 
fneer  about  "  orthodox  vengeance." 
[See  Diary  of  Sam.  Pepys,  ed.  1856, 
i :  129,  152  ;  Diary  of  John  Evelyn,  ed. 
1857,  i' •  34°>  Cunningham's  Hand 
Book  of  London,  437,  542 ;  Puritan 
Commonwealth,  145.] 

316  Increafe  Mather  [Brief  Hifl.  47] 
fays,  "his  head  being  cut  off  and  car- 
ried away  to  Plymouth,  his  Hands  were 
brought    to  Bojlon."      Cotton   Mather 


[Magnalia,  ed.  1853,  ii :  576]  fays, 
"  this  Agag  was  now  cut  into  quarters, 
which  were  then  hanged  up,  while  his 
head  was  carried  in  triumph  to  Ply- 
mouth." Niles  [Hift.  Ind.  and  Fr. 
Wars,  3  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.  vi :  190]  fays 
Philip  "  was  cut  into  quarters,  and 
hanged  up  in  the  woods,  and  his  head 
carried  to  Plymouth."  The  ftory,  car- 
ried from  this  country  to  London  by 
the  mafter  of  a  veffel  foon  failing  from 
Rhode-Ifland  [Abbott's  Wars  of  the 
Colonies,  131],  adds,  "they  quartered 
his  body,  and  hung  it  upon  four  trees." 
By  collating  thefe  we  probably  get  all 
the  fa6ts. 

The  head  was  placed  upon  a  pole  at 
Plymouth,  where  it  is  faid  to  have 
remained  expofed  for  more  than  24 
years  [Felt's  Pedes.  Hifl.  N.  E.  ii : 
638;  Thacher's  Plymouth,  389]  ;  at  any 
rate  Cotton  Mather  faid,  in  his  Magna- 
lia (firft  publilbed  in  1702,  26  years 
after),  "  it  was  not  long  before  the  hand 
which  now  writes,  upon  a  certain  occa- 
fion  took  off  the  jaw  from  the  expofed 
fkull  of  that  blafphemous  leviathan." 
[ed.  1853,  i :  566.]  It  is  hardly  proba- 
ble that  there  is  any  truth  in  the  tradi- 


151 


[45  ] 

Alderman,  the  Indian  who  fhot  him,  to  fhow  to  fuch  Gen- 
tlemen as  would  beftow  gratuities  upon  him;  and  accord- 
ingly he  got  many  a  Peny  by  it.  This  being  on  the  laft 
day  of  the  Week,317  the  Captain  with  his  Company  returned 
to  the  Ifland,  tarryed  there  until  Tuefday;  and  then  went 
off  and  ranged  thro'  all  the  Woods  to  Plymouth^  and 
received  their  Prczmium,  which  was  Thirty  Shillings  per 
head,  for  the  Enemies  which  they  had  killed  or  taken, 
inftead  of  all  Wages;  and  Philips  head  went  at  the  fame 
price.319     Methinks  it's  fcanty  reward,  and  poor  incourage- 


tion  mentioned  by  Dr.  Fobes  in  his 
defcription  of  Raynham  [i  Mafs.  Hijl. 
Coll.  iii :  171],  that  Philip's  head  was 
"  depofited  for  a  confiderable  time  "  in 
the  cellar  under  the  "  Leonard  houfe  " 
in  that  town. 

317  Saturday,  12  Auguft,  1676. 

318  Leaving  Rhode-Ifland  on  Tuefday, 
the  15th,  Church  and  his  company  muft 
have  "ranged  thro'  all  the  woods"  two 
days  before  reaching  Plymouth;  for 
the  Mathers  and  Niles  agree  that  the 
head  reached  Plymouth  on  Thurfday, 
the  17th,  which  had  been  fet  apart 
as  a  day  of  Thankfgiving  for  fucceffes 
againft  the  Indians,  perhaps  before  they 
had  heard  of  Philip's  death.  \_Brief 
Hijl.  47;  Magnalia,  ed.  1853,  "  :  57°  > 
3  Mafs.  Hijl.    Coll.  vi  :   190.] 

319  Affuming  Hubbard  and  Mather's 
ftatement  to  be  true,  that  5  befides  Phil- 
ip were  killed,  and  that  there  were  no 
prifoners  taken,  —  no  mention  being 
made  of  any,  —  the  fum  total  of  receipts 
for  divifion  would  be  £9.  This,  at  45. 
6d.  a  piece,  — ■  which  Church  fays  was 


each  one's  fhare,  —  would  make  the 
number  of  the  party  exactly  40.  At  45. 
(yd.  each,  their  week's  work  would  av- 
erage a  little  lefs  than  Jd.  ^qrs.  per  day, 
befides  the  honor!  Hoyt,  ftrangely 
confufing  this  with  one  day  of  the 
Bridgewater  expedition,  fays,  "  130 
were  killed  and  captured."  [Antiqua- 
rian Refcarchcs,  140.]  This  would 
have  fwelled  their  compenfation  to  an 
aggregate  of  £195 ! 

It  may  here  be  added,  that  there  is,  in 
the  Cabinet  of  the  Maffachufetts  Hif- 
torical  Society,  a  wooden  difh,  which 
is  traditionally  reprefented  to  have  been 
a  trophy  of  this  expedition,  and  which 
was  authenticated  to  the  Society  by  the 
following  receipt  [Proceedings  MaJ's. 
Hijl.  Soc.  1863-4,  267.]  :  "  Plymouth 
Sep.  14,  1803,  Recd.  of  Ifaac  Lothrop 
Eight  Dollars,  in  full  for  a  wooden  bowle, 
formerly  belonging  to  that  illuftrious 
Soldier  known  by  the  name  of  King 
Philip,  fon  of  the  celebrated  indian 
Sachem,  Maffafoiet,  and  was  a  portion 
of  the  trophy  affigned  to  Eleazer  Rich- 


152 


[45  ] 

ment;  tho'  it  was  better  than  what  had  been  fome  time 
before.  For  this  March  they  received  Four  Shillings  and 
Six  Pence  a  Man,  which  was  all  the  Reward  they  had, 
except  the  honour  of  killing  Philip.  This  was  in  the 
latter  end  of  Augujl,  1676  320 

Capt.  Church  had  been  but  a  little  while  at  Plymouth, 
before  a  Poft  from  Rehoboth  came  to  inform  the  Govern- 
ment, that  old  Annawon,  Philips  chief  Captain  was  with 
his  company  ranging  about  their  Woods,  &  was  very 
offenfive  &  pernicious  to  Rehoboth  &  SwanfeyF1  Capt. 
Church  was  immediately  fent  for  again,  &  treated  with  to 
ingage  one  Expedition  more;  he  told  them,  Their  incour- 
agement  was  fo  poor  he  feared  his  Souldiers  would  be  dull 
about  going  again  :  But  being  a  hearty  friend  to  the  caufe, 
he  Rally's  again,  goes  to  Mr.  yabejli  Howland  his  old 
Lieutenant,322  and  fome  of  his  Souldiers,  that  us'd  to  go 
out  with  him;  told  them  how  the  cafe  was  circumftanced, 
and  that  he  had  intelligence  of  old  An?iawon''s  walk,  & 
haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him;  they  did  not  want 


ard,  Great  Grandfather  of  the  Subfcrib-  Eleazer  Richard  (or  Richards  or  Rich- 
er, who  made  one  of  the  party,  that  ardfon)  as  then  living  in  New  England ; 
terminated  the  exiftence  of  the  once  nor  any  evidence  that  any  perfon  of 
princely  proprietor.  that  furname  ferved  under  Church  in 

bis  . 

"  Eleazer  +  Richard."  this  campaign. 

m"k-  320   Church   fpeaks   here  even    more 

Church's  narrative  furnilhes  no  evi-  vaguely  than  he  was  apt  to  do,  of  the 

dence,  either  way,  in  regard  to  the  gen-  time  of  events. 

uinenefs  of  this  relic.     I  find,  however,  3'21  "By  their  mooting  at  the  Englifh 

no  trace,  either  in  Savage's  fertile  pages,  Horles,  and  other  cattle."     [Hubbard's 

or  the   Colony  Records   of  Plymouth,  Narrative-,  107.] 

Maffachufetts,  or  Rhode-Iiland,  of  any  3"  See  note  207,  ante. 
20                                              153 


[46  ] 

much  intreating;  but  told  him,  They  would  go  with  him, 
as  long  as  there  was  an  Indian  left  in  the  Woods.  He 
moved 323  &  ranged  thro'  the  Woods  [46]  to  Pocajfet.  It 
being  the  latter  end  of  the  Week,  he  propofed  to  go  on  to 
Rhode-IJland  and  reft  until  Monday.  But  early  on  the 
Lords  day  Morning,324  there  came  a  Poft  to  inform  the  Cap- 


323  He  mull  have  left  Plymouth  about 
Wednefday  or  Thurfday  (6th  or  7th 
September),  1676  ?  Hubbard  fays  he 
had  with  him  "  but  5  Englifhmen  and 
20  Indians."     [Narrative,  107.] 

324  The  queftion  of  the  date  of  this 
expedition  is  one  of  the  moft  perplexing 
ones  in  the  hiftory  of  the  time ;  ftrange- 
ly  enough,  fo  far  as  I  can  learn,  no 
record  of  it,  or  of  any  circumftance 
which  would  exactly  identify  it,  having 
a  place  in  any  of  the  early  hiftories  or 
cotemporaneous  records.  Mr.  Drake, 
in  his  fecond  edition  of  this  narrative 
(1827,  p.  142),  is  the  firft  to  attempt  to 
fettle  it.  He  does  fo  on  the  ftrength  of 
the  fadfc  that  Annawon  was  taken  on  a 
Monday  night,  when  the  moon  was 
mining,  "  not  long  after  dark."  He 
ftates  that  the  moon  was  at  the  full  in 
1676,  on  Saturday,  the  26  Auguft, 
whence  he  infers  that  Monday,  28  Au- 
guft, was  the  date  of  the  capture  (fee 
alfo  note  to  Mr.  Drake's  ed.,  Mather's 
Brief  Hi/iory,  1862,  p.  1S0),  which 
would  throw  back  the  date  of  the  ftart- 
ing  of  the  expedition  from  Plymouth 
to  Wednefday  or  Thurfday,  the  23d  or 
24th.  Dr.  Palfrey  \_HiJi.  N.  E.  iii : 
206]  adopts  this  as  the  true  date,  and 
Arnold  \HiJi.  R.-I.  i:  417]  ipeaks 
vaguely  of  Annawon's  capture  as  "  a 


few  nights  after  the  death  of  Philip." 
But  John  Fofter's  Almanac  for  1676 
gives  the  full  moon  of  Auguft  of  that 
year  as  being  on  "  the  13th  day,  at  26m. 
paft  6  in  the  morn";  while  Sherman's 
Almanac  for  the  fame  year,  ftates  it  as 
on  the  "  13th  day,  at  25m.  paft  6  in  the 
morn."  This  was  the  Sabbath,  the  next 
day  after  the  day  of  the  death  of  Philip. 
Church  (fee  p.  152,  ante)  fays  he  ftaid 
at  Rhode  -  Ifland  until  Tuefday,  the 
15th,  and  then  "ranged  thro'  all  the 
woods  to  Plymouth,"  which  he  could 
fcarcely  have  reached  before  Friday  or 
Saturday,  the  iSth  or  19th.  Then  he 
was  "  a  little  while  at  Plymouth,"  a 
phrale  which  might  cover  two  or  three 
weeks,  while  it  would  fcarcely  have 
been  ufed  for  a  lefs  time  than  one  week 
(which  leffer  time  he  would  more  likely 
have  ftyled  "a  few  days"),  before  the 
"  poft  from  Rehoboth  "  came  with  news 
of  Annawon,  and  he  was  "  fent  for" 
and  "  treated  with  "  for  "  one  expedi- 
tion more  " ;  and  began  to  gather  fol- 
diers  to  go  out  again.  From  all  this, 
it  feems  very  clear  that  the  Auguft 
moon  muft  have  difappeared  long  be- 
fore he  could  have  been  ready  to  ftart 
on  this  expedition.  If  this  were  fo,  we 
are  thrown  over  into  September  for 
the  true  date  of  this  expedition ;    and 


154 


[46] 

tain,  That  early  the  fame  Morning  a  Canoo  with  feveral 
Indians  in  it  patted  from  Prudence  IJlandm  to  Poppafqua/Ji 


the  probabilities  of  the  cafe  would  feem 
to  fix  the  capture  of  Annawon  as  being 
on  the  firft  Monday  evening  of  Septem- 
ber, on  which  the  moon  was  fliining  a 
few  hours  after  dark.  Fofter  gives  the 
full  moon  for  September,  1676,  as  on 
"the  11  day,  54  m.  part  6,  p.m.,"  and 
Sherman  gives  it  as  on  "the  11  day, 
55  m.  paft  6  at  night."  This  was  on 
Monday  evening,  four  weeks  and  two 
days  after  the  death  of  Philip.  On  the 
previous  Monday  evening  (4  Sept.), 
the  moon  (then  juft  in  her  firft  quarter) 
muft  have  fet  from  one  to  two  hours 
before  midnight,  and,  in  the  denfe  for- 
efts  furrounding  Squannaconk  Swamp, 
her  (then)  feeble  light  muft  have  ceafed 
to  be  available  for  much  help  to  vifion 
at  leaft  an  hour  before  her  fetting;  fo 
that  (there)  it  would  be  hardly  fafe  to 
prefume  on  feeing  by  moonlight  on  the 
evening  of  4  Sept.,  much  later  than  9  p.m. 
But  it  was  "  pretty  dark  "  before  Church 
arrived ;  then  followed  the  capture,  the 
parley  with  all  the  companies,  the  prep- 
aration for  the  fupper,  the  fupper,  and 
the  meffage  to  the  outlying  Indians, 
and  the  return  of  the  meffengers ;  then 
Church  laid  down  with  the  intention 
of  ileeping  two  hours,  laid  a  little  while 
and  grew  wakeful,  and  roufed  to  look 
after  his  guard,  then  lay  looking  at  the 
equally  wakeful  Annawon,  "perhaps  an 
hour";  then  Annawon  got  up  and  re- 
tired into  the  thick  woods  "  out  of  fight 
and  hearing,"  and  was  gone  a  long 
time;  "at  length"  Church  heard  him 
coming    back,    and    then,    "  the   moon 


now  fhining  bright,"  he  faw  him  com- 
ing with  fomething  in  his  hands,  &c. 
All  this  detail  of  delays  makes  it  almoft 
certain  that  the  hour  of  Annawon's 
converfe  with  Church  muft  have  been 
well  on  toward  midnight,  at  leaft;  fo 
that  it  is  impoffible  that  the  date  could 
have  been  that  of  4  Sept.  Befides, 
Church's  expreffion,  "the  moon  fhining 
bright"  is  moft  confonant  with  the 
full  moon ;  fo  that  I  am  led  to  con- 
clude that  the  true  date  of  this  capture 
is  that  of  the  Monday  of  the  September 
full  moon,  viz.,  11  Sept.,  1676. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  in  this  connec- 
tion, that  Hubbard  [Narrative,  106] 
exprefily  fays  that  Church  took  Tifpa- 
qitin  "  in  September,"  yet  places  his 
capture  before  that  of  Annawon,  faying, 
"  the  next  that  was  feized  after  the 
former  (ie.,  Tifpaqui?i)  was  one  called 
Anna-won,  &c."  Church  himfelf,  in 
this  narrative  (fee  p.  175),  inverts  this 
order;  but  I  am  ftrongly  inclined  to 
believe  that  Hubbard  was  right,  and 
that,  if  Church  had  fat  down  to  the 
work  of  his  annals  at  an  earlier  date, 
and  before  the  frefhnefs  of  his  memory 
had  faded,  he  would  fo  have  arranged 
them. 

325  Pyudence  is  the  ifiand  in  Narra- 
ganfett  Bay,  fome  7  or  8  miles  in  length, 
of  irregular  ihape,  lying  weft  of  the 
northern  part  of  Rhode-Ifland,  and,  in 
its  fouthern  half,  feparated  from  it  by 
a  channel  averaging  perhaps  a  mile 
and  a  half  in  width.  Its  Indian  name 
was  C/iibacuzvefel  (C/uppacurfett) . 
155 


[46  ] 

Neck.326  Capt.  Church  tho't  if  he  could  poffibly  furprize 
them,  he  might  probably  gain  fome  intelligence  of  more 
game;  therefore  he  made  all  poffible  fpeed  after  them: 
the  Ferry-boat327  being  out  of  the  way,  he  made  ufe  of 


Canonicus,  in  1634,  gave  it  to  John 
Oldham,  if  he  would  fettle  on  it;  which 
he  did  not.  In  1637,  Roger  Williams 
and  John  Winthrop  purchafed  it,  and 
Williams  gave  it  its  prefent  name. 
[Winthrop's  Journal  i :  147 ;  Letter 
of  Williams,  3  Mafs.  HiJl.  Coll.  i :  165 ; 
Arnold's  HiJl.  R.-I.  i :  105.] 

326  PoppaJquaJJi  (PapooJquaJ7i,  Pa- 
pafquaJJi,  PappaJ'qua)  Neck  is  a  thumb- 
like promontory,  perhaps  2^  miles  in 
length  by  an  average  of  %  in  breadth, 
projecting  from  the  weftern  fide  of  the 
town  of  Briftol  into  the  bay.  Plymouth 
Court,  1  June  1669,  granted  100  acres  of 
it  "  to  Mr.  John  Gorum,  if  it  can  be 
purchafed  of  the  Indians";  and  5  July, 
1669,  granted  the  remainder  to  the 
"towne  of  Swanfey,  for  the  promoting 
of  a  way  of  trade  in  this  collonie." 
1  July,  1672,  "Mr.  Conftant  South- 
worth,  Mr.  James  Browne,  and  Mr. 
John  Gorum  are  appointed  by  the 
Court,  to  purchafe  a  certaine  p'fell  of 
land  of  the  Indians,  granted  by  the 
Court  to  the  faid  John  Gorum,  lying 
att  Papafquafh  neck."  13  July,  1677, 
the  Court  "  rattified,  eftablifhed,  fettled, 
and  confirmed  the  aforefaid  100  acres 
of  land "  to  John  Gorum's  heirs  and 
fucceffors  for  ever.  It  feems  foon  after 
to  have  paffed  to  Nathaniel  Byfield, 
who  is  faid  to  have  occupied  nearly 
the  whole  of  it  as  his  farm  for  over  40 
years,  until  his  removal  to  Bofton  in 


1724.     [Plym.   Col.  Pec.  v:  20,  24,95, 
241 ;   Shepard's  HiJl.  Dis.  Briftol,  R.- 

I-,  49-] 

As  to  the  name,  Mr.  Trumbull  fays, 
"  This  name  was  alfo  given  to  a  tract 
of  land  now  in  Voluntown,  Conn.,  in  a 
grant  of  1681,  as  PaupaJ'quachuke  ;  the 
uke  reprefenting  ohke  i.e.,  "  place." 
Two  derivations  are  equally  probable, 
and  plaufible,  from papajku,  'double' — 
which  is  applicable  to  the  fouthern  end 
of  Briftol,  divided  by  the  bay,  or,  as  it 
may  be  tranflated,  '  oppofite  to,'  '  over 
againft.'  Otherwife,  from  fohpohqujfu 
or  pahpahk/Jias,  of  Eliot ;  paupockfu  of 
Roger  Williams,  i.e.,  '  the  partridge.' 
With  the  addition  of  ohke  it  would  be 
'  the  partridge  country,'  or  '  Partridge 
Point,'  or  rather  '  Quail  Point,'  as  we 
fhould  tranflate  it  in  Connecticut.  I 
think  the  latter  the  more  probable  deri- 
vation ;  though  I  do  not  knoiv  that  a 
quail  ever  flew  within  a  dozen  miles  of 
Poppafquafh." 

The  diftance  for  a  canoe,  acrofs  from 
Prudence,  would  not  be  much  more 
than  \\  miles,  and  the  croffing  would 
be  in  full  view  from  Rhode-Iiland  and 
probably  not  more  than  3  miles  diftant 
from  it. 

327  The  ferry  to  Briftol  at  Tripps; 
the  fame  which  he  croffed  on  his  laft 
expedition  after  Philip.  His  object 
was  to  go  up  fome  4  miles  through 
what  is  now  the  town  of  Briftol,  and 


'56 


[46  ] 

Canoo's:  But  by  that  time  they  had  made  two  fraights, 
and  had  got  over  the  Captain,  and  about  15  or  16  of  his 
Indians,  the  Wind  fprung  up  with  fuch  violence  that  Ca- 
noo's could  no  more  pafs.328  The  Capt.  feeing  it  was 
impoffible  for  any  more  of  his  Souldiers  to  come  to  him, 
he  told  his  Indians,  If  they  were  willing  to  go  with  him,  he 
would  go  to  Poppafquafh,  and  fee  if  they  could  catch  fome  of 
thofe  Enemy  Indians.  They  were  willing  to  go,  but  were 
forry  they  had  no  EnglifJi  Souldiers;329  fo  they  March'd 
thro'  the  thickets  that  they  might  not  be  difcovered,  until 
they  came  unto  the  Salt  Meadow,  to  the  Northward  of 
Briflol  Town,830  that  now  is.  Then  they  heard  a  Gun,  the 
Capt.  look'd  about,  not  knowing  but  it  might  be  fome  of 
his  own  Company  in  the  rear;  fo  halting  till  they  all  came 
up,  he  found  'twas  none  of  his  own  Company  that  fired. 
Now  tho'  he  had  but  a  few  Men,  was  minded  to  fend 
fome  of  them  out  on  a  Scout.  He  moved  it  to  Capt. 
Lightfootm  to  go  with  three  more  on  a  Scout;  he  faid  he 
was  willing  provided  the  Captains  man  Natha7iael  (which 
was  an  Indian  that  they  had  lately  taken)  might  be  one  of 
them,  becaufe  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Neck,333 


endeavor  to  furprife  the  Indians  as  they  331  See  note  238,  ante. 

fhould   pafs   out  of  Poppafquafh    neck  332  He  means  here,  evidently,  Mount- 

toward  the  main  land.  Hope  neck,  and  not  Poppafquafh  neck. 

328  See  note  175,  ante.  Church  himfelf  with  his  party  proceed- 

329  It  will  appear,  further  on,  that  his  ed  to  fearch  the  latter  for  the  enemy; 
Lieutenant  and  Englifh  foldiers  fubfe-  and  Lightfoot  with  his  three  compan- 
quently  croffed  and  joined  him  next  day.  ions  muft  have  fcouted  off  toward  what 

330  Probably  thofe  juft  north-weft  of  are  now  Warren  and  Swanfey,  in  the 
Silver  Creek.  direction  of  Kikemuit. 

157 


[46] 

and  coming  lately  from  among  them,  knew  how  to  call 
them.333  The  Capt.  bid  him  choofe  his  three  companions, 
and  go;  and  if  they  came  a-crofs  any  of  the  Enemy  not  to 
kill  them  if  they  could  poflibly  take  them  alive;  that  they 
might  gain  intelligence  concerning  Annawon.  The  Capt. 
with  the  reft  of  his  company  moved  but  a  little  way  further 
toward  PoppafquaJIi,  before  they  heard  another  Gun,  which 
feemed  to  be  the  fame  way  with  the  other,  but  further  off. 
But  they  made  no  halt  until  they  came  unto  the  narrow  of 
PoppafquaJJi  Neck;334  where  Capt.  Church  left  three  men 
more,  to  watch  if  any  mould  come  out  of  the  Neck,  and  to 
inform  the  Scout  when  they  returned  which  way  he  was 
gone.  He  parted  the  remainder  of  his  company,  half  on 
one  fide  of  the  Neck,  and  the  other  with  himfelf  went  on 
the  other  fide  of  the  Neck,  until  they  met;  and  meeting 
neither  with  Indians  nor  Canoo's  returned  big  with  expec- 
tations of  Tydings  by  their  Scout:  But  when  they  came 
back  to  the  three  men  at  the  narrow  of  the  Neck,  they 
told  their  Captain  the  Scout  was  not  returned,  had  heard 
nor  feen  any  thing  of  them,  this  fill'd  them  with  tho'ts 
what  mould  become  of  them;  by  that  time  they  had  fat 
down  &  waited  an  hour  longer,  it  was  very  dark,  and  they 
defpaired  of  their  returning  to  them.  Some  of  the  Indians 
told  their  Captain,   They  feared  his  new  man   Nathanael 

333  The  Indians  were   accuftomed  to      often  as  there  was  danger  of  its  becom- 
have  fome  call  —  like  a  wolf 's  howl,  a      ing  known  to  their  enemies.     JYatkati- 
loon's  cry,  or  fomething  of  that  fort —      ael,  being  recently  captured,  would  know 
by  which  they  could  fignal  each  other      what  that  fignal  of  his  tribe  now  was. 
in  the  woods.     This  was   changed   as  334  Perhaps  120  rods  in  width. 

15S 


[47  ] 

had  met  with  his  old  Mount-hope  friends,  and  was  turned 
Rogue.  They  concluded  to  make  [47]  no  fires  that 
Night,  (and  indeed  they  had  no  great  need  of  any)  for 
they  had  no  Victuals  to  cook,  had  not  fo  much  as  a  morfel 
of  Bread  with  them.  They  took  up  their  lodging  fcatter- 
ing,  that  if  poffibly  their  Scout  mould  come  in  the  Night, 
and  whittle  (which  was  their  fign)  fome  or  other  of  them 
might  hear  them.  They  had  a  very  folitary,  hungry 
Night;  and  as  foon  as  the  day  broke335  they  drew  off  thro' 
the  brum  to  a  hill  without  the  Neck,  and  looking  about 
them  they  efpy'd  one  Indian  man  come  running  fomewhat 
towards  them,  the  Captain  ordered  one  man  to  ftep  out  of 
the  brum  and  mow  himfelf.  Upon  which  the  Indian  ran 
right  to  him,  and  who  mould  it  be  but  Capt.  Lightfoot,  to 
their  great  joy.  Capt.  Church  ask'd  him,  What  News  ? 
He  anfwered,  Good  News,  they  were  all  well  and  had 
catcICd  Ten  Indians,  and  that  they  guarded  them  all  Night 
in  one  of  the  Flankers  of  the  old  Englifh  Garrifon  J336  that 
their  prifoners  were  part  of  Annawons  company,  and  that 
they  had  left  their  Families  in  a  Swamp  above  Mattapoifet 
Neck.337  And  as  they  were  Marching  towards  the  old 
Garrifon  Lightfoot  gave  Capt.  Church  a  particular  account 
of  their  Exploit,  viz.  That prefently  after  they  left  him,  they 
heard  another  Gun,  which  fecnt'd  to  be  towards  the  Indian 


335  Monday,  n  September,  1676.  65,   ante.)     He  muft  have  thought  its 

336  That  on  the  lhores  of  the  Kike-  ufe  had  been  found  at  laft. 

mutt,  about  which  Church  had  been  fo  33!  The  neck  of  this  name  (Gardner's 

exercifed   the   year   before.     (See    note  neck)  in  Swanfey. 

159 


[47  ] 

burying  placed  &  moving  that  way,  they  difcovered  two  of 
the  Enemy  fleeing  of  an  Horfe.  The  Scout  claping  into  the 
brufJi,  Nathanael  bid  them  fit  down,  and  he  would  prefently 
call  all  the  Indians  thereabout  unto  him.  They  hid,  and  he 
went  a  little  diflance  back  from  them  and  fat  up  his  note  & 
howled  like  a  Wolf  \  One  of  the  two  immediately  left  his 
Horfe  &  came  running  to  fee  who  was  there  ;  but  Nathanael 
howling  lower  and  lower  drew  him  in  between  thofe  that  lay 
in  wait  for  him,  who  feized  him  ;  Nathanael  continuing  the 
fame  note,  the  other  left  the  Horfe  alfo  following  his  mate, 
&  met  with  the  fame.  When  they  caught  thefe  two  they  ex- 
amined them  apart,  and  found  them  to  agree  in  their  Story, 
that  there  were  Eight  more  of  them  come  down  into  the  Neck 
to  get  Provifwns,  and  had  agreed  to  meet  at  the  burying  place 
that  evening.  Thefe  two  being  fome  of  Nathanaels  old  ac- 
quaintance,  he  had  great  influence  upon  them,  and  with  his 
inticing  Story,  ( telling  what  a  brave  Captain  he  had,  how 
bravely  he  lived fince  he  had  been  with  him,  &  how  much  they 
might  better  their  condition  by  turning  to  him,  &c.)  per- 

338  Concerning  this,  Gen.  FefTenden  more  than  one  cart-load  of  human 
fays,  "  In  regard  to  the  location  of  the  bones.  There  are  now  no  appearances 
'  Old  Indian  burying-ground,'  I  have  of  a  cemetery  there.  This  was  doubt- 
long  fince  endeavored  to  find  the  fite  of  lefs  a  burying-ground ;  but  whether  it 
it.  A  farmer  informed  me  that  when  was  the  burying-ground  cannot  be  de- 
he  was  a  boy,  about  the  year  1800,  the  termined."  [MS.  letter.'}  The  proba- 
people  ftraightened  the  direct  road  from  bility  feems  urgent  that  this  was  an 
this  place  (Warren,  R.-I)  to  Briftol ;  Indian  burying-place,  as  all  which  have 
and,  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  about  half  been  ufed  by  the  white  fettlers  are 
way  between  the  two  places  (2  miles  doubtlefs  well  known.  If  fo,  it  is  rea- 
from  each),  they  dug  through  a  burying-  fonable  to  infer  that  it  was  that  to  which 
ground,  and  carried  off  for  interment  reference  is  here  made. 

160 


[43  ] 

fwaded  and  ingaged  them  to  be  on  his  fide,  which  indeed  now 
began  to  be  the  better  Jide  of  the  hedge.  They  waited  but  a 
little  while  before  they  efpy'd  the  refl  of  theirs  coming  up  to 
the  burying  place,  and  Nathanaely<?<?7z  howfd  them  hi  as  he 
had  done  their  mates  before.  When  Capt.  Church  came  to 
the  Garrifon,  he  met  his  Lieutenant  and  the  reft  of  his 
company;339  and  then  making  up  good  fires  they  fell  to 
roafting  their  Horfe-beaf,340  enough  to  laft  them  the  whole 
day,  but  had  not  a  morfal  of  Bread;  tho'  Salt  they  had 
which  they  always  carryed  in  their  Pockets,  which  at  this 
time  was  very  acceptable  to  them.  Their  next  motion  was 
towards  the  place  where  the  Prifoners  told  them  they  had 
left  their  Women  and  Children,341  and  furprized  them  all, 
and  fome  others  that  were  newly  come  to  them.  And 
upon  examination  they  held  to  one  Story,  that  it  was  hard 
to  tell  where  to  find  Annazuon,  for  he  never  roofted  twice 
in  [48]  a  place.  Now  a  certain  Indian  Souldier  that  Capt. 
Church  had  gain'd  over  to  be  on  his  fide,  pray'd  that  he 
might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his  Father,  who  he 
faid  was  about  four  Miles  from  that  place,  in  a  Swamp  m 
with  no  other  than  one  Young  Squaw ;    Capt.  Church  in- 


339  Lieut.    Howland    and   his   fquad,  not  far  from  what  is  now  Swanfey  vil- 
on  getting  acrofs  the  ferry  and  follow-  lage. 

ing  Church,  may  have  fallen   in  with  342  Mamvhague  fwamp  in  the  fouth- 

one  of  Lightfoot's  fcouts,  or  may  have  eaftern    corner    of    Rehoboth,    anfwers 

gone  to  the  old  garrifon,  at  a  venture,  this    requifition    of    diftance ;     befides 

as  a  likely  place  of  meeting   him,  or  lying   near   the   rout    to    Squannakonk 

news  from  him.  fwamp,    where     Annawon     was,     and 

340  Which  the  Indians  had  juft  killed.  whence   thefe    Indians   whom    Church 
3il    A  fwamp  in    Swanfey,   probably  had  captured  had  come. 

21  161 


[43  ] 

clined  to  go  with  him,  thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way  to 
gain  fome  intelligence  of  Annawon  ;  and  fo  taking  one  En- 
gli/Ji  Man  and  a  few  Indians  with  him  leaving  the  reft  there, 
he  went  with  his  new  Souldier  to  look  his  Father;  when 
he  came  to  the  Swamp,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  fee  if  he  could 
find  his  Father:  he  was  no  fooner  gone  but  Capt.  Church 
difcover'd  a  Track  coming  down  out  of  the  Woods,  upon 
which  he  and  his  little  company  lay  clofe  fome  on  one 
fide  of  the  Track  &  fome  on  the  other.  They  heard  the 
Indian  Souldier  make  a  howling  for  his  Father;  and  at 
length  fome  body  anfwered  him,  but  while  they  were  lilt— 
ening,  they  thought  they  heard  fome  body  coming  towards 
them,  prefently  faw  an  old  man  coming  up  with  a  Gun  on 
his  Shoulder,  and  a  young  Woman  following  of  him  in  the 
Track  which  they  lay  by:  They  let  them  come  up  be- 
tween them,  and  then  ftarted  up  and  laid  hold  on  them 
both.  Capt.  Church  immediately  examined  them  a  part,343 
telling  them,  What  they  mujl  truji  too  if  they  told  falfe  Sto- 
ries :  He  ask'd  the  young  Woman,  What  company  they 
came  lajl  from  ?  She  faid,  from  Capt.  Annawons.  He 
asked  her,  How  many  were  in  company  with  him  whenfJie 
left  him?  She  faid,  50  or  60.  He  ask'd  her  How  many 
Miles  it  was  to  the  place  where  fie  left  him  ?  She  faid,  She 
did  not  underftand  Miles,  but  he  was  up  in  Squannaconk 
Swamp?  ^      The  old  man  who  had  been  one  of  Philips 

343  Through  one  of  his  Indian  foldiers      eaftern  fide  of  the  town  of  Rehoboth, 

as  an  interpreter.  Mafs.,  about  midway  between  its  north- 

844    Squannahonk  fwamp    is   on    the      ern     and     fouthern    boundaries,     and 

162 


[4§] 

Council,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  fame  account. 
Capt.  Church  ask'd  him,  If  they  could  get  there  that  Night? 
He  faid,  If  they  went  prefently  and  travelled  floutly,  they 
might  get  there  by  Sun  fet^  He  ask'd  Whither  he  was 
going?  He  anfwered,  That  Annawon  had fent  him  down 
to  look  for  fome  Indians,  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount- 
hope  Neck  to  kill  Provifions :  Capt.  Church  let  him  know 
that  thofe  Indians  were  all  his  Prifoners.  By  this  time 
came  the  Indian  Souldier  &  brought  his  Father  and  one 
Indian  more.  The  Captain  was  now  in  great  ftraight  of 
mind  what  to  do  next  he  had  a  mind  to  give  Annawon  a 
vifit,  now  knew  where  to  find  him,  but  his  company  was 
very  fmall,  but  half  a  dozen  men  befide  himfelf,  and 
was  under  a  neceflity  to  fend  fome  body  back  to  acquaint  his 
Lieutenant  &  company346  with  his  proceedings.  However 
he  asked  his  fmall  company  that  were  with  him,  Whither 
they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  give  Annawon  a  vifit? 
They  told  him,  They  were  always  ready  to  obey  his  com- 
mands, &c.    But  withal  told  him,  That  they  knew  this  Capt. 

nearly   touches,     at    fome    points,    the  845  It  could  fcarcely  have  been  more 

weft  line  of  Dighton  ;  Little  Squanna-  than  9  or  10  miles  to  Annawon's  camp  ; 

konk    and    Bad-Luck    fwamps    lie    be-  but    the    way   was,    unquestionably,  — 

tween    it   and   Refervoir   pond   on    the  through    that   miry  country,  —  tedious 

fouth,  out  of  which  flows  the  main  feed-  and    difficult,    and    the    day   was    evi- 

er  of  Palmer's   (Warren)   River.      Mr.  dently  waning;  as  Church  had  already 

Drake  fays  [edition  of  Mather's  Brief  marched,  with  many  delays,  from  the 

Hi/lory,  1  So],  that  Squannakonk  prob-  narrow  of  Poppafqualh  neck,  a  diftance 

ably  fignifies  the  "  Swamp  of  Night,"  which,   by   their   finuous    route,    could 

or  "  Night-fwamp."    But  Mr.  Trumbull  hardly    have     been    lefs    than    fifteen 

fays,    "  I   can    make    nothing    of   this  miles. 

name.      It  is  certainly  corrupted,  and  346  Whom  he  had  left  at  the  fwamp 

has  loft  at  leaft  one  (initial)  fyllable."  above  Mattaftoifett  neck. 

163 


[  49   ] 

Annawon  was  a  great  Souldier;  that  he  had  been  a  valiant 
Captain  under  Aiuhmequn3  Philips  Father^   and  that  he 

had  been  Philips  Chieftain  all  this  War;  a  very  fubtle  man. 
and  of  great  refolution.  and  had  of  ten  f aid.  that  he  would 
never  be  taking  alive  by  the  Englifh :  and  moreover  they  knew 
that  the  men  that  were  with  him  were  refolute  fellows,  fome 
^/"Philip's  chief Souldiers ;  and  therefore  feared  whether  it 
was  practicable  to  make  an  attempt  upon  hint  with  fo  [49] 
fmall  a  Jia?idful  of  affijiants  as  now  were  with  him.  Told 
him  further.  That  it  would  be  a  pitty  that  after  all  the  Great 
Things  he  had  don-e.  he  fJtould  throw  away  his  Life  at  lofl, 
&c.  Upon  which  he  replyed,  That  he  doubted  not  Anna- 
won  was  a  lubtle  &  valiant  Man:  that  he  had  a  long  time 
but  in  vain  fought  for  him.  and  never  till  now  could  find 
his  quarters;  and  he  was  very  loth  to  mils  of  the  oppor- 
tunity: and  doubt  not  but  that  if  they  would  chearfully  go 
with  him,  the  fame  Almighty  Providence  that  had  hitherto 
protected  and  befriended  them  would  do  fo  ltill.  ere.  Up- 
on this  with  one  confent  they  laid.  They  would  go.  Capt. 
Church  then  turned  to  one  Cook  of  Plymouth?®    (the  only 

**•  Majfafoit  had  two  names,  each  of  accent  on  the  fecond  lYllable."     The 

which,  in  accordance  with  the  humor  other  was  vrr::ten  JVoofatnequin,  Tl'afa- 

of  the    times,   had    a  various  fpelling.  megin.  Ljjamequen.  Afuhmequin.  Oofa- 

Bradford    wrote     one     XIaJfafoyt     and  rnequen.  Ofamekin.   Chj;J~amequin.   Chuff- 

Majfafoyet :    Winflow  wrote   it  Afafa-  amequine.   drc.    d-c.      [Bradford's   Hiji. 

foyt    and    Majfajprj.at :    Prince    fays,  Phm.    94.     102;     Young's     Chronicles 

•■  I  £r. i   the    ir.tier.t   Petthe  :::::.   their  PI     :.    191.   313:    Prince's  Annals^   101; 

Fathers  in  Plim&uih  Colony  pronounce  Belknap's  Amer.  Bz'jg.  ii :  212:  Thatch- 

h:=     name     Ala-faf-fo-it" ':     to     which  ex's  Ind.  Biog.  i :  117;  Drake's  Book  of 

Thatcher   adds    (as   if   from    Belknap.  Ind.  Sih 

what  Belknap  does  not  i~ay>5  ••  with  the  --    Bejond  queftion  this  was  Caleb 

164 


[  49  ] 

Engli/h  Man  then  with  him ")  and  ask'd  him.  What  he 
thought  of  it?  Who  replved.  Sir,  I  am  never  afraid  of 
going  any  where  when  you  are  with  me.  Then  Capu- 
Church  asked  the  old  Indian,  if  he  could  carry  his  Hone 
with  him?  |  for  he  conveyed  a  Horfe  thus  thr  with  him: ) 
He  reply" d  that  it  was  impoilible  for  an  Hone  to  pais  the 
Swamps.  Therefore  he  lent  away  his  new  Indian  Soul- 
dier  with  his  Father  and  the  Captains  Hone  to  his  Lieu- 
tenant, and  orders  for  him  to  move  to  Taunt:-",  with 
the  Prifoners.  to  fecure  them  there,  and  to  come  out  in  the 
Morning  in  the  Rehoboth  Road,  in  which  he  might  exoect 
to  meet  him.  if  he  were  alive  and  had  mcceis.1-  The 
Captain  then  asked  the  old  fellow.  If  he  would  Pilot  him 
unto  Annawon  1  He  anfwered.  that  he  having  given 
him  his  life  he  was  obliged  to  ferve  him.  He  bid  him 
move  on  then;  and  they  followed:  The  old  man  would 
out-travel  them.  \o  far  fometimes  that  they  were  almoft  out 
of  light:  looking  over  his  Shoulder  and  feeing  them  be- 
hind, he  would  halt.  Juit  as  the  Sun  was  letting,  the  old 
man  made  a  full  ftop  and  fat  down,  the  company  coming 
up  alio  fat  down,  being  all  weary.  Capt.  Church  asked. 
What  news?  He  anfwered.  That  about  that  time  in  the 
Evening  Capt.  Annawon,  lent  out  his  Scouts  to  fee  if 
the  Coaft  were  clear,  and  as  loon  as  it  began  t:  grow  dark 
the   Scouts  return.     And  then    i  laid  he")   we   may  move 

C::k.   '•■':.z    :":    ~  ;.rr:'.vl-.-   —  i:Tei    re:~£:  mile;    :rc~    the    V^^r::?'    ~~ere    Lieu:. 

the  flayer   of  Philip.        Sre    note    ;:~.  Holland  and  his  company  were- north- 

c.  ::-:.  eafieriy  u:  the  weft  bank  ::"  the  Title    : 

349  It  was  probably  twelve  or  thirteen  Tj.::--.:~    River  to  Taunton. 


[  49  ] 

again  fecurely.  When  it  began  to  grow  dark  the  old  man 
flood  up  again,  Capt.  Church  asked  him,  if  he  would  take 
a  Gun  and  fight  for  him  ?  He  bowed  very  low  and  pray'd 
him  not  to  impofe  fuch  a  thing  upon  him,  as  to  fight 
againft  Capt.  Annawon  his  old  friend.  But  fayes  he,  I 
will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  helpful  to  you,  and  will  lay 
hands  on  any  man  that  fhall  offer  to  hurt  you.  It  being 
now  pretty  dark  they  moved  clofe  together;  anon  they 
heard  a  noife,  the  Captain  ftay'd  the  old  man  with  his  hand, 
and  asked  his  own  men  what  noife  they  thought  it  might 
be?  they  concluded  it  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  Mortar. 
The  old  man  had  given  Capt.  Church  a  defcription  of  the 
Place  where  Annowon  now  lay,  and  of  the  Difficulty  of 
getting  at  him:  being  fenfible  that  they  were  pretty  near 
them,  with  two  of  his  Indians  he  creeps  to  the  edge  of  the 
Rocks,350  from  whence  he  could  fee  their  Camps;  he  saw 

350  A  continuous  tradition  has  pre-  change  of  years,  has  made  the  pofition 
ferved  the  identity  of  this  fpot.  It  is  more  acceffible  than  of  old,  although 
an  out-cropping  ledge  of  rocks  in  a  wet  ground  ftill  furrounds  the  rock, 
bit  of  upland  in  the  northern  part  of  The  traveller  will  find,  perhaps  So  rods 
Squannakonk  fwamp  in  Rehoboth.  It  beyond  Mr.  Blifs's  houfe  (which  ftands 
may  now  be  reached  by  the  old  turn-  in  the  angle  where  another  road  crones 
pike  from  Taunton  to  Providence,  and  the  pike),  a  tree  on  the  left,  larger  than 
is  between  the  houfes  on  that  road  now  any  near  it,  which  bears  the  marks  of 
occupied  by  Seneca  Blifs  and  Noah  being  often  ufed  as  a  hitching-poft ; 
Fuller;  on  the  left  fide  as  you  go  to-  with  a  path  leading  thence  fouth-eafterly 
ward  Providence,  and  about  6h  miles  into  the  woods.  Following  that  path, 
from  Taunton.  This  portion  of  the  fay  So  paces,  he  will  begin  to  afcend 
fwamp  is  owned  by  Nathan  Pratt  of  the  ledge  which  flopes  up  before  him 
Taunton,  who  married  a  daughter  of  at  an  angle  of  perhaps  40  degrees,  and 
Dea.  Blifs,  its  former  proprietor.  The  the  length  of  which  lies  acrofs  his  way 
building  of  this  road  through  the  north-  up,  and  apparently  not  far  from  north- 
ern end  of  the  fwamp,  with  the  natural  eaft  and  fouth-weft.      From  pacing  it, 

166 


[S°] 

three  companies  of  Indians  at  a  little  diftance  from  each 
other,  being  eafy  to  be  clifcovered  by  the  light  of  their  fires. 
He  faw  alfo  the  great  An\^o\nawon  and  his  company, 
who  had  formed  his  Camp  or  Kennelling-place,  by  falling 
a  Tree  under  the  fide  of  the  great  clefts  of  Rocks,  and  fit- 
ting a  row  of  birch  bufhes  up  againft  it,  where  he  himfelf, 
and  his  Son,  and  fome  of  his  chiefs  had  taken  up  their 
lodging,  and  made  great  fires  without  them,  and  had  their 
Pots  and  Kittles  boiling,  and  Spits  roafting.  Their  Arms 
alfo  he  difcovered,  all  fet  together  in  a  place  fitted  for  the 
purpofe  Handing  up  an  end  againft  a  flick  lodged  in  two 
crotches,  and  a  Mat  placed  over  them,  to  keep  them  from 
the  wet  or  dew.  The  old  Annawons  feet  and  his  Sons 
head  were  fo  near  the  Arms  as  almoft  to  touch  them:   But 


I  judge  that  this  ledge  may  average  125 
feet  in  length  by  75  feet  in  width,  ter- 
minating on  its  fouthern  and  weftern 
fide  in  rugged  cliffs  from  30  to  40  feet 
in  hight.  The  rock  is  a  pudding-ftone, 
thick  fet  with  pebbles,  and  has  evidently 
felt  the  effect  of  convulfion,  or  other 
rough  treatment,  along  its  fouthern  and 
fouth-weftern  edge,  which  is  jagged, 
and  from  which  huge  bowlders,  now 
lying  at  its  bafe,  have  been  torn. 
About  two- thirds  of  the  way  weft,  along 
this  fouthern  face,  is  a  deep  recefs,  ac- 
ceflible  from  above  with  difficulty  by  the 
aid  of  the  bulhes  growing  in  the  clefts, 
which  anfwers  well  to  Church's  defcrip- 
tion  of  the  fpot  in  which  Annawon  was 
now  encamped.  The  growth  of  trees 
around  the  rock  has  recently  been 
felled ;  and  the  firft  feeling  of  the  vifitor 


is  one  of  furprife  that  a  retreat  fo  ex- 
pofed  on  the  fouthern  fide  as  this  now 
feems  to  be,  lhould  have  anfwered  the 
conditions  of  Annawon's  camp.  But, 
on  reflection,  one  will  fee,  that,  with 
the  fwamp  as  it  then  was,  the  rock 
could  be  reached  only  from  the  upland 
ifthmus  which  connected  it  with  the 
main  land,  which  lay  probably  in  the 
direction  from  which  the  path  now  ap- 
proaches the  fpot;  while  the  fide  which 
now  feems  expofed  was  not  only  pro- 
tected by  the  furrounding  water  and 
mire,  but  lhut  in  and  concealed  by  the 
old  fore  ft  growth.  From  the  edge  of 
the  cliff,  Church  could  look  down  upon 
Annawon,  his  fon,  and  chiefs,  almoft 
directly  under  him,  and  upon  the  three 
companies  around  their  fires,  fcattered 
alon°:  its  fouthern  face. 


167 


[5o] 

the  Rocks  were  fo  fteep  that  it  was  impoffible  to  get  down, 
but  as  they  lowered  themfelves  by  the  bows,  and  the 
bulhes  that  grew  in  the  cracks  of  the  Rock.  Capt.  Church 
creeping  back  again  to  the  old  man,  asked  him,  If  there 
was  no  poffibility  of  getting  at  them  fome  other  way?  He 
anfwered,  no,  That  he  and  all  that  belonged  to  Annawon 
were  ordered  to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come  any 
other  way  without  difficulty  or  danger  of  being  mot.  Capt. 
Church  then  ordered  the  old  man  and  his  daughter  to  go 
down  fore-moft  with  their  baskets  at  their  backs,  that  when 
Annawon  faw  them  with  their  baskets  he  mould  not  mif- 
truft  the  intreguej  Capt.  Church  and  his  handful  of  Soul- 
diers  crept  down  alfo  under  the  fhadow  of  thefe  two  and 
their  baskets,  and  the  Captain  himfelf  crept  clofe  behind 
the  old  man,  with  his  Hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  ftep'd  over 
the  young  mans  head  to  the  Arms,  the  young  Annawon 
difcovering  of  him,  whip'd  his  blanket  over  his  head  and 
lhrunk  up  in  a  heap:  The  old  Capt.  Amiawon  ftarted  up 
on  his  breech,  and  cryed  out  Howoh^1  and  defpairing  of 
efcape a52  throw  himfelf  back  again,  and  lay  iilent  until 
Capt.  Chzirch  had  fecured  all  the  Arms,  &c.  And  having 
fecured  that  company,  he  fent  his  Indian  Souldiers  to  the 

351  Hotvoh  !  i.e.  A-tvaun  exvb  ?     "Who  352  Annawon  probably  had   no   idea 

is  that?"    [Roger  Williams's  Key.  R.-I.  that  Church  would  have  the  boldnefs 

Hijl.  Coll.  i :  29.]  or  Hotvan  ?  "who?"  thus  to  beard  him  in  his  den,  without  an 

e.g.,    How  an  yeuoh    ivag   Edom    &c,  abundant  force  furrounding   and  irre- 

"  Who  is  this  that  cometh  from  Edom,  fiftibly   enclofing   him    on    every  fide; 

&c.  ?"     [Eliot,  Ifaiah  lxiii :    1.]      This  as  was    reprelented    to   be   the  fact   to 

feems  to  have  been  the  ufual  challenge  :  the  other  companies,  by  his  Indian  fol- 

"  Who's   there?"  diers. 

168 


[Si  ] 

other  fires  &  companies,  giving  them  inftru6tions,  what  to 
do  and  fay.  Accordingly,  they  went  into  the  midft  of 
them:  When  they  difcovered  themfelves  who  they  were, 
told  them  that  their  Capt.  Annawon  was  taken,  and  it 
would  be  beft  for  them  quietly  and  peaceably  to  furrender 
themfelves,  which  would  procure  good  quarter  for  them: 
Otherwife  if  they  mould  pretend  to  relift  or  make  their  ef- 
cape,  it  would  be  in  vain,  and  they  could  expe6t  no  other 
but  that  Capt.  Church  with  his  great  Army,  who  had  now 
entrap'd  them,  would  cut  them  to  pieces :  told  them  alio  if 
they  would  fubmit  themfelves,  and  deliver  up  all  their 
Arms  unto  them,  and  keep  every  man  his  place  until  it 
was  day;  they  would  affure  them  that  their  Capt.  Church 
who  had  been  lb  kind  to  themfelves  when  they  furrendred 
to  him,  mould  be  as  kind  unto  them.  Now  they  being  old 
acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  Relations  did  much  the 
readier  give  heed  to  what  they  faid,  and  complyed  &  fur- 
rendred up  their  Arms  unto  them,  both  their  Guns  and 
Hatchets,  &c.  and  were  forthwith  carryed  to  Capt.  Church. 
Things  being  fo  far  fettled,  Capt.  Church  asked  Annawon, 
What  he  had  for  Supper,  for  (  faid  he  )  I  am  come  to  Sup 
[51]  with  you.  Taubutm  (faid  Annotuon)  with  a  big 
voice;  and  looking  about  upon  his  Womer,  bid  them  haften 
and  get  Capt.  Church  and  his  company  fome  Supper;  then 
turned  to  Capt.  Church  and  asked  him,  Whether  he  would 

K3    Taubut :    Literally,    "It   is    fatif-       well;"    Tdubot  nc  paumf  mauntMtttt, 
factory, "     "  tres     bien,"    e.g.,     Tauln'tt      "  I    am    glad    they    are  well."     [Roger 
faumf  mmlntaman,  " I  am  glad  you  are      Williams  R.-I.  Hiji.   Coll.  i:  27.] 
22  169 


[Si  ] 

eat  Cow-beaf  or  Horfe-beaf,  The  Captain  told  him  Cow-beaf 
would  be  moft  acceptable:  It  was  foon  got  ready,  and  pul- 
ling his  little  bag  of  Salt  out  of  his  Pocket,  which  was  all 
the  Provision  he  brought  with  him;  this  feafon'd  his  Cow- 
beaf  fo  that  with  it  and  the  dry'd  green-corn,  which  the  old 
Squaw  was  pounding  in  the  Mortar,354  while  they  were 
Hiding  down  the  Rocks,  he  made  a  very  hearty  Supper. 
And  this  pounding  in  the  Mortar  proved  lucky  for  Capt. 
Churches  getting  down  the  Rocks,  for  when  the  old  Squaw 
pounded  they  moved,  and  when  fhe  ceafed  to  turn  the  corn, 
they  ceafed  creeping,  the  noife  of  the  Mortar  prevented  the 
Enemies  hearing  their  creeping:  and  the  corn  being  now 
dreffed  fupplyed  the  want  of  Bread,  and  gave  a  fine  relifh 
with  the  Cow-beaf.  Supper  being  over,  Capt.  Church  fent 
two  of  his  men  to  inform  the  other  companies,  that  he  had 
killed  Philip,  and  had  taken  their  friends  in  Mount-hope 
Neck,355  but  had  fpared  their  lives,  and  that  he  had  fub- 
dued  now  all  the  Enemy  ( he  fuppofed  )  excepting  this 
company  of  Annawons,  and  now  if  they  would  be  orderly 
and  keep  their  places  until  Morning,  they  mould  have  good 
quarter,  and  that  he  would  carry  them  to  Taunton,  where 
they  might  fee  their  friends  again,  &c.     The  Meffengers 

854     "The    mode    of    pounding    dry  times  a  depreffion  in  the  face  of  a  rock." 

maize,  by  the  grain-raiting  tribes,  va-  [Schoolcraft's  Inf.  reffiefling  the  Ind. 

ried    confiderably.      It   was    a    fpecies  Tribes  iii :  466.] 

of  work  left  wholly  to  the  women,  who  356  That  is,  thofe  whom  Annawon  had 

generally  exercifed  their  ingenuity  in  fent    down    to    Poppafquafh,    and    the 

its  reduction.     When  circumftances  fa-  regions    beyond    it,    after    provifions ; 

vored   it,  mortars   and  peftles  of  ftone  whom  Church    had    captured    the   day 

were  employed.    The  mortar  was  fome-  before. 

170 


[  5i  ] 

return'd,  that  the  Indians  yielded  to  his  propofals.  Capt. 
Church  tho't  it  was  now  time  for  him  to  take  a  Nap,  hav- 
ing had  no  fleep  in  two  days  and  one  night  before:  told 
his  men  that  if  they  would  let  him  fleep  two  hours,  they 
mould  fleep  all  the  reft  of  the  night.  He  lay'd  himfelf 
down  and  endeavoured  to  fleep,  but  all  difpofition  to  fleep 
departed  from  him.  After  he  had  lain  a  little  while  he 
looked  up  to  fee  how  his  Watch  managed,  but  found  them 
all  faft  a-fleep.  Now  Capt.  Church  had  told  Capt.  Anna- 
wons  company,  as  he  had  ordered  his  Indians  to  tell  the 
others,  that  their  lives  mould  all  be  fpared,  excepting  Capt. 
Atmawons,  and  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  promife  him  his 
life,  but  he  mufl  carry  him  to  his  Matters  at  Plymouth™ 
and  he  would  intreat  them  for  his  life.  Now  when  Capt. 
Church  found  not  only  his  own  men,  but  all  the  Indians 
fall  a-fleep  Annawon  only  excepted,  whom  he  perceived 
was  as  broad  awake  as  himfelf;  and  fo  they  lay  looking 
one  upon  the  other  perhaps  an  hour;  Captain  Church  faid 
nothing  to  him,  for  he  could  not  fpeak  Indian,  and  tho't 
Annawon  could  not  fpeak  EngliJJi ;  at  length  Annawon 
raifed  himfelf  up,  caft  off  his  blanket,  and  with  no  more 
clothes  than  his  fmall  breeches,  walked  a  little  way  back 
from  the  company:  Capt.  Church  tho't  no  other  but  that 
he  had  occafion  to  eafe  himfelf,  and  fo  walked  to  fome  dif- 

356  It  will  be  remembered,  that  been  principal  Aflors  in  thofe  Villa- 
Church's  commiffion  (fee  p.  101,  ante)  nies."  Compare  the  action  of  Ply- 
expreflly  excepted  from  his  power  of  mouth  Court,  7  July,  1676 ;  and  alfo  4 
"receiving  to  mercy"  fuch  as  were  November  following.  \_Plym.  Col.  Rec. 
"Murderous  Rogues,  or  fuch   as  have      v:  205;  xi :  242.] 

171 


[5»  ] 

tance  rather  than  offend  him  with  the  ftink:  but  by  and 
by  he  was  gone  out  of  fight  and  hearing;  and  then  Capt. 
Church  began  to  fufpect  fome  ill  defign  in  him,  and  got  all 
the  Guns  clofe  to  him,  and  crouded  himfelf  clofe  under 
young  Annawon,  that  if  he  fhould  any  where  [52]  get  a 
Gun  he  fhould  not  make  a  fhot  at  him  without  indanger- 
ing  his  Son;  lying  very  ftill  a  while  waiting  for  the  event: 
at  length,  he  heard  fome  body  coming  the  fame  way  that 
Annawon  went.  The  Moon  now  fhining  bright,  he  faw 
him  at  a  diftance  coming  with  fomething  in  his  hands, 
and  coming  up  to  Capt.  Church,  he  fell  upon  his  knees 
before  him,  and  offer'd  him  what  he  had  bro't,  and  fpeak- 
ing  in  plain  EnglifJi,  faid,  Great  Captain,  you  have  killed 
Philip,  and  conquered  his  Country  for  I  believe,  that  I  &  my 
company  are  the  lajl  that  War  againjl  the  Englifh,  fo  fuppofe 
the  War  is  ended  by  your  means  ;  and  therefore  thefe  things 
belong  unto  you.  Then  opening  his  pack,  he  pull'd  out 
Philips  belt  curioufly  wrought  with  Wompom^'  being  Nine 

357    Wompom   (plural    Wompompeag)  Jezvan,  i.e.,  "  fcattered,"  "  loofe."     The 

was    the    Indian    name   for   the   -white  Engliih,    not   underftanding,    or    difre- 

beads  uled  as  currency,  or  for  the  pay-  garding,   the  diftindtion   of  colors,    af- 

ment   of    tribute   from   tribe   to    tribe ;  fumed  the    name   of  the    cheaper   and 

from  wompi,  "  white."      The  black,  or,  more  common  wowz/ompeag  as  generic, 

more  properly,  the  purple  beads,  made  and  called  all  fhell-money  ivompom. 
from    the    margin    of  the   fhell    of   the  Dr.  Palfrey  fays  thefe  beads  were   a 

round  clam  (Vemes  mercenaries),  were  quarter  of  an  inch  long,  and  in  diameter 

called  Jitckauhock,  "dark-colored-fhell."  lefs  than  apipe-ftem,  drilled  lengthwife. 

Thefe  beads  when  ftrung,  in  bands  or  Gookin  and  Roger  Williams  teftify,  that 

girdles,  were  called,   generally,  peag ;  the  white   beads  (or  zvompom  proper) 

when  loofe,  Jeazv/w'og  (fazv/wog,  Roger  were   rated    at   half   the   value    of    the 

Williams's  Key.  R.-I.HiJl.  Coll.  i:  131)  ;  black.      Palfrey  adds  that   the    former 

by  the  Dutch and  other  traders,  Jeazvan,  paffed  for  a  farthing  each  in   tranfac- 

172 


[5»  ] 


inches  broad,358  wrought  with  black  and  white  Wompom, 
in  various  figures  and  flowers,  and  pictures  of  many  birds 
and  beafts.  This  when  hung  upon  Capt.  Churches  moul- 
ders it  reach'd  his  ancles.  And  another  belt  of  Wompom 
he  prefented  him  with,  wrought  after  the  former  manner, 
which  Philip  was  wont  to  put  upon  his  head;  it  had  two 
flags  on  the  back  part  which  hung  down  on  his  back:  and 
another  fmall  belt  with  a  Star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which 
he  ufed  to  hang  on  his  breaft;  and  they  were  all  edg'd 
with  red  hair,  which  Annawon  faid  they  got  in  the  Muh- 
hogs359  Country.  Then  he  pulled  out  two  horns  of  glazed 
Powder,  and  a  red  cloth  Blanket:  He  told  Capt.  Churchy 
thefe   were   Philips   Royalties 360    which   he   was  wont  to 


tions  between  the  natives  and  the  col- 
onifts  ;  that  is,  960  to  the  pound  fterling. 
A  law  was  paired,  however,  in  the  Mai's. 
Colony,  2  June,  1641,  to  this  effect : 
"It  is  ordered  that  vjampampcge  ihall 
paiTe  currant  at  6  a  penny  for  any 
fumme  under  £10,  for  debts  hereafter 
to  bee  made."  In  Sept.,  164S,  the  com- 
miffioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  from 
the  fact  that  the  Indians  and  traders 
cheated  in  dealing  with  wampum, 
"  fmaule  &  great  uncomly  &  diforderly 
mingled,"  recommended  an  order  that 
none  lhould  "  bee  payed  or  Refcaiued  " 
but  what  is  "  in  fom  meafure  ftrunge 
futably;"  but  the  General  Courts  did 
not  agree  to  it.  In  1660  it  was  rated 
at  55.  a  fathom.  [Palfrey's  Hijl.  N.  E. 
i:  31;  Mafs.  Col.  Rec.  i:  329;  Plym. 
Col.  Rcc.  ix:  136,  149;  x:  251  ;  1  Mafs. 
Hijl.  Coll.  i :  152  ;  R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll.  i : 
I30-] 


358  "  They  [feag\  were  ufed  for  orna- 
ment as  well  as  for  coin,  and  10,000 
have  been  known  to  be  wrought  into  a 
fingle  war-belt  four  inches  wide." 
[Palfrey's  Hijl.  N.  E.x:  32.]  "They 
make  girdles  curioufly,  of  one,  two, 
three,  foure  and  five  inches  thickneffe 
and  more,  of  this  money,  which  (fome- 
times  to  the  value  of  £10  and  more) 
they  weare  about  their  middle  and  as  a 
fcarfe  about  their  lhoulders  and  breafts. 
"Yea,  the  Princes  make  rich  Caps  and 
Aprons  (or  fmall  breeches)  of  thefe 
Beads  thus  curioufly  ftrung  into  many 
formes  and  figures :  their  blacke  and 
white  finely  mixt  together."  [Roger 
Williams's    Key.    R.-I.    Hijl.     Coll.    i: 

309  Mohawk's  country. 

369  It  is  an  interefting  queftion  what 
became  of  thefe  "  royalties  "  after  they 
were   thus   pafied    into    the    hands    of 


173 


[    5*    ] 


adorn  himfelf  with  when  he  fat  in  State.  That  he  tho't  him- 
felf  happy  that  he  had  an  opportunity  to  prefent  them  to 
Capt.  Church,  who  had  won  them,  &c.  fpent  the  remainder 
of  the  night  in  difcourfe;  and  gave  an  account  of  what 
mighty  fuccefs  he  had  formerly  in  Wars  againft  many 
Nations  of  Indians,  when  ferved  Afuhmequin^  Philips 
Father,  &c.  In  the  Morning362  as  foon  as  it  was  light,  the 
Captain  March'd  with  his  Prifoners  out  of  that  Swampy 
Country  towards  Taunton,  met  his  Lieutenant  and  Compa- 


Church.  I  find  no  note  of  their 
prefervation  in  Church's  houfehold, 
nor  any  evidence  that  the  tradition  to 
which  Mr.  Drake  refers,  tracing  them 
to  the  cuftody  of  a  family  in  Swanfey, 
[Book  of  Ind.  239]  has  any  foundation 
in  fadt.  It  is  moft  reafonable  to  fup- 
pofe  that  Church  turned  them  over  to 
the  Government,  and  evidence  has  juft 
been  brought  to  light  which  indicates 
that  moft,  if  not  all,  of  the  articles  here 
referred  to,  were  fent  as  prefents  by  the 
Plymouth  Governor  to  King  Charles 
the  Second.  Dr.  Palfrey  has  depofited 
with  the  Mafs.  Hiftorical  Society  the 
copy  of  a  letter  obtained  by  him  from 
the  State-Paper  Office  [Colonial Papers 
No.  xlvi,  Art.  149],  from  Jofias  Window 
to  the  king,  of  date  "  New  Plymouth, 
26  June,  1677,"  in  which  the  Governor 
craves  His  Majefty's  acceptance  "  of 
thefe  few  Indian  rarities,  beeing  the 
beft  of  our  fpoyles,  and  the  beft  of  the 
ornaments  and  treafure  of  fachem 
Philip  the  grande  Rebell,  the  moft  of 
them  taken  from  him  by  Capt.  Benja- 
min Church  (a  perfon  of  great  loyalty 
and    the   moft    fuccefsful   of   our   com- 


manders) when  hee  was  fiayne  by  him ; 
being  his  Crowne,  his  gorge,  and  two 
belts  of  theire  owne  makeing  of  theire 
golde  and  filver."  [Mafs.  Hifl.  Soc. 
Proceedings,  1863-4,  p.  481.]  This  de- 
fcription  accords  very  well  with  that 
given  by  Church.  The  "  crowne  "  was, 
doubtlefs,  the  belt  "  which  Philip 
was  wont  to  put  upon  his  head";  the 
"  gorge  "  [gorget,  "  a  crefcent-fhaped 
plate  worn  round  the  neck  by  officers 
on  duty,"  —  Worcefler~\  may  have  been 
the  "  fmall  belt  with  a  Star  upon  the 
end  of  it,  which  he  ufed  to  hang  upon 
his  breaft." 

361  It  has  been  ufual  to  regard  Maffa- 
foit  as  a  man  of  peace.     Mr.  Thatcher 

fays  he  "  did  not  diftinguifh  himself 
as  a  warrior;  nor  is  he  known  to  have 
been  once  engaged  in  any  open  hof- 
tilities,  even  with  the  inimical  and 
powerful  tribes  who  environed  his  terri- 
tory." [Ind.  Biog.'w  140].  But  this  tef- 
timony  of  Annawon,  as  well  as  other 
evidence  which  might  eafilybe  cited,  in- 
timates that  he  was  much  like  other 
Indians  in  that  refpedb 

362  Tuefday,  12  September? 

74 


[  5*  ]  ■  ■ 

ny,  about  four  Miles  out  of  Town,363  who  expreffed  a  great 
deal  of  joy  to  fee  him  again,  and  faid,  'twas  more  than  ever 
he  expected.  They  went  into  Taunton,  were  civily  and 
kindly  treated  by  the  Inhabitants,  refrefhed  and  refted 
themfelves  that  night.  Early  next  Morning,3'34  the  Captain 
took  old  Annawon,  and  half  a  dozen  of  his  Indian  Soul- 
diers,  and  his  own  man,  and  went  to  Rhode-IJland,  fending 
the  reft  of  his  Company  and  his  Prifoners  by  his  Lieuten- 
ant to  Plymouth.  Tarrying  two  or  three  days  upon  the 
Ifland,  he  then  went  to  Plymouth,  and  carryed  his  Wife 
and  his  two  Children  with  him. 

Capt.  Church  had  been  but  a  little  while  at  Plymouth, 
before  he  was  informed  of  a  parcel  of  Indians,  that  haunted 
the  Woods  between  Plymouth  and  Sippican,  that  did  great 
damage  to  the  EngliJJi  in  killing  their  Cattel,  Horfes  and 
Swine;  and  the  Captain  was  foon  in  purfuit  of  them: 
Went  out  from  Plymouth  the  next  Monday 365  in  the  after- 
noon; next  Morning  early366  they  difcovered  a  Track;  the 

363  Church  would  moft  likely  ftrike  him  from  motives  of  kindnefs  to  that 
the  old  Taunton  and  Providence  road,  chief,  left  the  Plymouth  authorities 
then  a  trail,  near  the  eaft  flank  of  might  make  fhort  work  with  him  before 
"  Great-Meadow  Hill,"  a  half-mile  north  his  return. 

of  the  rock  where  he  had  encamped;  365  See  note  314,  ante.     It  is  my  im- 

from  whence  it  would  be  nearly  eight  prefiion  that  this  expedition  is  here  mif- 

miles  to  Taunton.     As  he  met  his  Lieu-  placed,  really  belonging  in  the  laft  week 

tenant  about  halfway,  they  muft  have  of  Auguft  or  the  firft  week  of  September, 

come  together  a  little  eaft  of  the  Segre-  before  Annawon's  capture.     This  Mon- 

ganfet  River,  probably  not  far  from  the  day  may,  then,  have  been  Monday,  28 

prefent  residence  of  G.  Dean.  Aug.,  or  pofiibly  the  4th  September. 

364  [Wednefday,  13  September?]  As  3titi  Church  himfelf  gives  fmall  clew 
his  occafions  led  him  to  Rhode-Ifland,  to  the  geography  of  this  expedition. 
Church   doubtlefs  took  Annawon  with  It  is  obvious,  however,  that  the  marau- 

175 


[S3  ] 


Captain  fent  two  Indians  on  the  Track  to  fee  what  they 
could  difcover,  while  he  and  his  Company  followed  gently 
after,  but  [53]  the  two  Indians  foon  returned  with  Ty- 
dings  that  they  had  difcovered  the  Enemy  fitting  round 
their  fires,  in  a  thick  place  of  brum.  When  they  came 
pretty  near  the  place,  the  Captain  ordered  every  man  to 
creep  as  he  did;  and  furround  them  by  creeping  as  near  as 
they  could,  till  they  fhould  be  difcovered,  and  then  to  run 
on  upon  them  and  take  them  alive,  if  poffible,  (  for  their 
Prifoners  were  their  pay:  )  They  did  fo,  took  every  one 
that  was  at  the  fires,  not  one  efcaping.  Upon  examination 
they  agreed  in  their  Story,  that  they  belonged  to  Tifpa- 
qnin^1  who  was  gone  with  John  B?tmp,m  and  one  more, 


ders  of  whom  he  was  in  fearch  were 
"between  Plymouth  and  Sippican"; 
and  as  he  did  not  leave  Plymouth  until 
afternoon,  he  could  not  have  been  many 
miles  on  his  way  (unlefs  he  marched 
all  night,  which  is  not  probable)  when 
he  difcovered  their  track.  Hubbard  fays 
[Narrative  107]  that  "  the  place  was 
near  Lakenhatn  upon  PocaJJet  Neck." 
He  was  probably  right  in  the  place,  and 
wrong  in  its  relative  pofition.  Lake?i- 
ham  was  the  name  very  early  given  to 
the  meadows  lying  eaft  of  Six-mile 
Brook  and  near  Wenham  Pond,  on 
the  road  to  Nemafket,  in  what  is  now 
Carver;  at  leaft  28  miles,  air-line  dif- 
tance,  from  PocaJJet,  yet  exadtly  where 
Church  would  be  likelieft  to  be,  on  a 
fcout  for  Indians  lurking  between  Ply- 
mouth and  Sippican.  It  is  about  6 
miles  from  Plymouth. 
367  See  note  227,  ante. 


308  Few  family  names  have  had  a 
more  curious  transformation,  in  the 
procefs  of  popular  ufe,  than  that  which 
is  here  attached  to  this  Indian.  Origi- 
nally the  Huguenot  Bompajfe  (from 
Bon-pas),  it  became  corrupted  firft  to 
Bumpajs,  then  to  Bumpus,  and  finally 
to  Bump  !  Edward,  who  came  over  in 
the  Fortune,  in  1621,  founded  a  very 
worthy  family,  which  ftill  holds  its  own 
in  the  Old  Colony.  Mr.  Drake,  in  his 
edition  of  Church,  fuppofes  that  the  In- 
dian here  referred  to  may  have  derived 
his  name  from  fome  affociation  with 
members  of  this  family.  It  feems  to 
me  more  probable,  that  his  genuine 
Indian  name  fo  refembled  theirs  in 
found  as  to  have  become  confufed  with 
it.  There  was  a  John  Wampees,  who 
appears  on  the  lift  of  "  diuers  Indians 
inhabiting  att  Agavjaam,  Sepecan,  and 
Wezueante,  with  other  Places  adjoyn- 


176 


[53  J 


to  Agawom 369  and  Sippican 3T0  to  kill  Horfes,  and  were  not 
expected  back  in  two  or  three  days.  This  fame  Tifpaquin 
had  been  a  great  Captain,  and  the  Indians  reported  that  he 
was  fuch  a  great  Pouwau,371  that  no  bullet  could  enter  him, 
&c.  Capt.  Church  faid,  He  would  not  have  him  killed, 
for  there  was  a  War  broke  out  in  the  Eafhern  Part  of  the 
Country,  and  he  would  have  him  faved  to  go  with  them 
to  fight  the  Ea/lern  Indians?'2  Agreeably  he  left  two  old 
Squaws  of  the  Prifoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until 
their  Capt.  Tifpaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church 
had  been  there,  and  had  taken  his  Wife,  Children,  and 
company,  and  carryed  them  down  to  Plymouth  ;  and  would 
fpare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would  come  down 


ing,"  who  "  engaged  theire  Fidelitie  to 
the  Gou'rment  of  New  Plymouth,  6 
July,  167 1."  Bomf>aJfc  and  Wampees, 
as  then  popularly  pronounced,  could 
not,  I  think,  have  feemed  very  unlike ; 
and  it  is  my  impreffion  that  this  was 
the  fame  John ;  who,  like  Tautozen  in 
the  fame  lift,  proved  faithlefs  to  the 
fidelity  which  he  engaged.  \_Plym. 
Col.  Pec.  v :    72.] 

3K)  See  note  209,  ante. 

370  See  note  210,  ante. 
71  Pauzvau  (Potvozv).  Eliot  ufes  this 
word  in  the  form  in  which  Church 
writes  it,  for  a  "witch,"  or  "wizard," 
or  "  magician."  [e.g.,  Exod.  xxii :  iS; 
Dan.  iv :  7.]  Roger  Williams  gives 
Pozvzvdzv,  and  defines :  "  thefe  doe 
begin  and  order  their  fervice,  and  In- 
vocation of  their  Gods,  and  all  the  peo- 
ple follow,  and  joyne  interchangeably 
in    a    laborious    bodily    fervice,    unto 

23  I 


fweating,  efpecially  of  the  Prieft,  who 
fpends  himfelfe  in  ftrange  Antick  Gef- 
tures,  and  Actions  even  unto  fainting." 
[Key.  R.-I.  Hijl.  Coll.  i:  III.]  De 
Vries  fays  of  the  Indians  at  Cayenne, 
"Their  priefts  they  call  peoayos ;  we 
call  them  forcerers."  So  the  word 
muft  have  had  a  wide  range,  territo- 
rially, and  a  very  refpecftable  antiquity. 
Though  not  exactly  a  fimple  or  primi- 
tive word,  its  etymology  is  too  obfcure 
to  be  given  without  a  preliminary  trea- 
tife  on  Indian  roots. 

372  Wakely  (Hubbard  calls  him  Wa- 
tei'ly)  and  his  family,  were  murdered 
by  the  Indians  at  Falmouth,  Me.,  in 
the  fecond  week  of  September;  and 
other  outbreaks  at  Saco,  Scarborough, 
Wells,  Kittery,  &c,  foon  followed. 
[Hubbard's  Narrative  of  Troubles,  d~c., 
from  Pajcataqua  to  Pcmmaquid,  16 ; 
Palfrey's  Hifl  N.  E.  iii :  207.] 

77 


[S3  ] 

to  them  and  bring  the  other  two  that  were  with  him,  and 
they  mould  be  his  Souldiers,  &c.  Capt.  Church  then 
returned  to  Plymouth,  leaving  the  old  Squaws  well  pro- 
vided for,  and  Bisket  for  Tifpaquin  when  he  returned: 
Telling  his  Souldiers,  that  he  doubted  not  but  he  had  laid 
a  Trap  that  would  take  him.373  Capt.  Church  two  days  af- 
ter went  to  BoJlon\  (the  Commiffioners  then  fitting)374  and 
waited  upon  the  Honourable  Governour  Leverett  who  then 
lay  Sick;375  who  requefted  of  Capt.  Church  to  give  him 
fome  account  of  the  War:  who  readily  obliged  his  Hon- 
our therein,  to  his  great  Satisfaction,  as  he  was  pleafed  to 
exprefs  himfelf;  taking  him  by  the  hand,  and  telling  him, 
if  it  pleafed  God  he  lived,  he  would  make  it  a  brace  of  a 
hundred  pounds  advantage  to  him  out  of  the  Majfachufetts 
Colony,  and  would  endeavour  the  reft  of  the  Colonies 
fhould  do  Proportionably ; 376  but  he  dyed  within  a  Fort- 

373  This  language  is  to  be  interpreted  Artillery  Company,  1639,  holding  fuc- 
honorably.  Church  does  not  mean  ceffively  all  its  offices ;  was  freeman  13 
that  he  had  laid  a  trap  to  take  the  May,  1640;  27  May,  1663,  he  was  chofen 
Black  Sachem  by  a  falfe  promiie,  as  Major-General,  and  every  year  after- 
might  feem,  in  the  light  of  fubfequent  wards,  until  he  was  chofen  Governor, 
events;  but  that,  in  offering  him  a  in  1673,  which  office  he  held  until  his 
Captaincy  under  him  to  fight  the  Eaft-  death ;  befides  being  feleclman,  deputy, 
ern  Indians,  he  had  held  out  an  induce-  affiftant,  &c.  &c.  No  fact  can  be  bet- 
ment  fufficient  to  fecure  his  capitulation,  ter  eftabliibed  than  that  he  died  16 
as  the  refult  proved.  March,  167S-9,  or  about  2  years  and  5 

874  The  Commiffioners   of  the   three  months   later   than  the  date  to  which 

Confederate   Colonies.  Church  would  here  affign  his  deceafe ; 

375  John  Leverett 'was  the  only  fon  another  proof  that  the  old  warrior  dic- 

of    Elder   Thomas   Leverett,    and   was  tated  from  a  memory  not  always  accu- 

born  in  England  in  1616,  and  came  to  rate  in  minutiae.     [See  N.  E.  Hiji.  and 

New  England  with  his  parents  in  Sept.,  Gen.  Reg.  iv  :  125-32.] 
1633;    joined    Bofton    Church    14  July,  37';    Gov.   Leverett,   on  behalf  of  the 

1639;  joined  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  General  Court  of  Mafs.,  wrote  to  the 

17S 


[53  ] 

night  after,  and  fo  nothing  was  done  of  that  nature.  The 
fame  day377  Tifpaquin  came  in  and  thofe  that  were  with 
him,  but  when  Capt.  Church  return'd  from  Bojlon,  he  found 
to  his  grief  that  the  heads  of  A  nnawon,  Tifpaquin,  &c.  cut 
off,  which  were  the  laft  of  Philips  friends.378  The  General 
Court  of  Plymouth  then  fitting379  fent  for  Capt.  Church  who 
waited  upon  them  accordingly,  and  received  their  Thanks 
for  his  good  Service,  which  they  Unanimoufly  Voted, 
which  was  all  that  Capt.  Church  had  for  his  aforefaid  Ser- 
vice. 


Afterwards  in  the  Year  1676.  in  the  Month  of  Janu- 
ary2®* Capt.  Church  received  a  Commiffion 381  from  Gover- 


Governor  of  Plymouth,  17  Ocfl.,  1676, 
in  regard  to  fending  an  expedition 
eaft  againft  the  hoftile  Indians  there, 
"  Wherein,"  he  fays,  "  wee  defire  &  ex- 
pect yor  concurrance  wth  us,  &  affiftance 
of  us  wth  fome  Englilh,  &  alfo  fome  of 
your  Indians,  &  Capt.  Church,  whom 
we  haue  J^oketi  tvitk  here,  &  finde  him 
ready  to  Jerve  God  &  the  country ;  re- 
queit  therefore  your  fpeedy  fending  of 
him,  &:  fuch  as  yow  fhall  see  meet,  to 
afift  in  that  defigne."  \_Mafs.  Col.  Rec. 
v:  126.]  I  find  no  refponfe  to  this  on 
the  Plymouth  Records. 

877  That  is,  the  fame  day  which 
Church  refers  to  in  his  account  of  fet- 
ting  his  trap  for  Tifpaquin. 

378  Hubbard  fays  the  Plymouth  au- 
thorities tefted  Tifpaquin  on  his  reputa- 
tion of  being  impenetrable  by  bullets, 
but  "  he  fell  down  at  the  firft  fhot." 
\_Narrative,   107.]      The  faift  probably 


was,  that  the  Court,  having  committed 
themfelves  to  the  policy  of  extermina- 
tion, fo  far  as  the  ringleaders  of  late 
butcheries  were  concerned,  did  not  fee 
fit  to  gratify  Church  by  making  excep- 
tions in  thefe  eminent  cafes.  The 
Home  Government  at  London  —  if  we 
may  judge  by  the  records  of  the  times  — 
would  have  been  even  more  unyield- 
ing. 

879  The  Court  met  1  Nov.,  1676. 

380  In  the  Old  Style  the  month  of 
January,  1676,  came  after,  inftead  of 
before,  November  and  December;  the 
year  beginning  with  25th  March,  in- 
ftead of  1ft  January. 

381  After  the  Annawon  expedition, 
Church's  old  company  feems  to  have 
difbanded ;  and,  from  the  iffue  of  this 
new  commiffion  to  him  at  this  time, 
the  force  of  the  old  would  feem  to  have 
expired. 


179 


[  54] 

nour  JVifi/low,  to  Scoure  the  Woods  of  fome  of  the  lurking 
Enemy,  which  they  were  well  informed  were  there. 
Which  Commiffion  is  as  follows:  [54] 

"|3  Eing  well  informed  that  there  are  certain  parties  of  our 
■*— "  Indian  Enemies,  (  remains  of  the  People,  or  Allies  of 
Philip,  late  Sachem  of  Mount-hope,  oiir  Mortal  Enemy) 
that  areflill  lurking  in  the  Woods  near  fome  of  our  Planta- 
tions, that  go  on  to  diflurb  the  Peace  of  His  Majeflfs  Subjects 
in  this  &  the  Neighbotiring  Colonies,  by  their  frequent  Rob- 
beries, and  other  Infolences.  Capt.  Benjamin  Church  is 
therefore  hereby  Nominated,  Ordered,  Commif/ioned,  and 
Impowred  to  raife  a  Company  of  Volunteers,  confifling  of 
Englifh  and  Indians;  fo  ma?iy  as  he fliall  judge  neceffary  to 
improve  in  the prefent  Expedition,  and  can  obtain  ;  And  of 
them  to  take  the  Command,  and  Conduct,  and  to  lead  them 
forth  unto  fuch  place  or  places  witlmi  this  or  the  Neighbour- 
ing Colo?iies,  as  he  fliall  think  fit,  and  as  the  Providence  of 
God,  and  his  Intelligence  may  lead  him  ;  To  Difcover,  Pur- 
fue,  Fight,  Surprize,  Deflroy,  and  Subdue  our  f aid  Indian 
Enemy,  or  any  party  or  parties  of  them,  that  by  the  Provi- 
dence of  God  they  7nay  meet  with  ;  Or  them,  or  any  of  them 
to  receive  to  Mercy,  if  he  fee  caufe  (provided  they  be  not  Mur- 
derous Rogues,  or  fuch  as  have  been  principal  Actors  in  thofe 
Vilanies.  )  And  for  the  Profecution  of  this  defign,  liberty  is 
hereby  granted  to  the  f aid  Capt.  Church,  and  others,  to  Arm 
audfet  out  fuch  of  our  friendly  Indians,  as  he  is  willing  to 
Entertain.  And  for  of  much  as  all  thefe  our  Enemies  that 
have  been  taken,  or  at  any  time  may  be  taken  by  our  Forces, 

1  So 


[54] 

have  by  our  Courts  and  Councils  been  rendred  lawful  Cap- 
tives of  War,  and  condemned  to  perpetual  Servitude;  this 
Council  do  alfo  determine  and  hereby  declare,  That  all  fuck 
Prifoners  as  by  the  blefjing  of  God  the  f aid  Captain  and  Com- 
pany, or  any  of  them,  f tall  take,  together  with  their  Arms, 
and  other  P hinder,  f tall  be  their  own,  and  to  be  diflributed 
among/l  themf elves,  according  to  fuck  agreement  as  they  may 
be  at  one  with  another :  And  itfiall  be  lawful,  and  is  hereby 
warrantable  for  him  and  them  to  make  Sale  officii  Print- 
ers as  their  perpetual  Slaves  ;  or  otherwife  to  retain  and  keep 
them  as  they  think  meet,  ( they  being  fuch  as  the  Law  allows 
to  be  kept : )  Finally,  the  f aid  Capt.  Church  herein  improv- 
ing his  befl  judgment  and  difcretion,  and  utmojl  ability, 
faithfully  to  Serve  the  Interefl  of  God,  his  Majejlies  Intercfl, 
and  the  Interejl  of  the  Colony  ;  and  carefully  governing  his 
faid  Compajty  at  home  and  abroad ;  thefefliall  be  unto  him 
full  and  ample  Commifjion,  Warrant  and  Difcharge.  Giv- 
en under  the  Publick  Seal.    January  15th.  1676. 

Per  Jofiah  Winflow,  GOV. 

Accordingly  Capt.  Church  accompanied  with  feveral 
Gentlemen  and  others  went  out,  and  took  divers  parties  of 
Indians ;  and  in  one  of  which  Parties  there  was  a  certain 
old  man  whom  Capt.  Church  feem'd  to  take  particular 
notice  of,  and  asking  him  where  he  belonged,  who  told 
him  to  Swanzey  ;  the  Captain  ask'd  his  name,  who  replyed, 
his  name  was  Confcience ;  Confcience  faid  the  Captain 
(  fmiling  )   then  the  War  is  over,  for  that  was  what  they 

1S1 


[54] 

were  fearching  for,  it  being  much  wanting ;  and  then 
returned  the  faid  Confcience  to  his  Port  again  at  Swanzey, 
to  a  certain  perfon  the  faid  Indian  delired  to  be  Sold  to,382 
and  fo  return'd  home. 


382  22  July,  1676,  it  had  been  ordered 
by  the  Plymouth  Council  of  War : 
"  Whereas  it  is  apprehended  that  the 
p'mition  of  Indian  men  that  are  cap- 
tiues  to  fettle  and  abide  within  this 
collonie  may  proue  prejuditiall  to  our 
cofhon  peace  and  fafety,  confidering 
that  there  hath  neuer  bin  any  lycence 
for  fuch  foe  to  doe,  it  is  ordered  by  the 
councell  and  the  authoritie  thereof, 
that  noe  Indian  male  captiue  fhall 
refide  in  this    gou'ment   that  is  aboue 


14  yeers  of  age  att  the  begifiing  of  his 
or  theire  captiuity,  and  if  any  fuch  cap- 
tiues  aboue  that  age  are  now  in  the 
gourment,  which  are  not  defpofed  of 
out  of  this  jurifdiction  by  the  15""  of 
October  next,  fhall  forthwith  be  def- 
pofed of  for  the  vfe  of  this  gou'rment." 
[Plym.  Col.  Rec.  v:  210.]  Whether 
this  had  been  repealed,  or  whether  this 
old  Confcience  was  made  an  exception, 
on  account  of  his  age,  or  name,  I  am 
not  able  to  fay. 


182 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE    OF    EVENTS. 


Cljrnnnkgual  Cabk  of  (frbrntz. 


Day  of 
Week. 


Day  of 

Month. 

Year. 

22  July 

1673 

10  Apr. 

1674 

11 

i67f 
l675 

29  Jan. 
15  June 

16  June 

55 

20  June 

51 

21  June 

5? 

22  June 

55 

24  June 

15 

28  June 

}5 

EVENT. 


Page. 


Saconet  grantees  met  at  Plymouth,  and  Benj. 

Church  with  them 3 

Grantees  met  at  Duxbury,  and  drew  lots  for 

their  shares 5 

Church  goes  down  to  view  his  lots,  and  con- 
cludes to  settle  on  them 3 

Builds  on  his  lot  No.  19 5 

F.        29  Jan.       i67f      Sassamon  found  murdered  at  Assaivompsett .  12 

T.  1 K  Tune  i6b$  Awashonks  has  a  dance,  to  which  she  invites 
Church.  He  starts  for  Plymouth,  calling 
on  Petananuet  and  Weetamoe      ....  7-I4 

W.       16  Tune        ,,         He   arrives   at  Plymouth,  and   calls   on    the 

Governor 14 

Philip  allowed    his    Indians    to    plunder    in 

Swansey 15 

M.  21  Tune  ,,  A  messenger  reaches  the  Governor  at  Ply- 
mouth, who  orders  the  Captains  of  the 
towns  to  march  that  day  to  Taunton      .  16 

Church  leads  a  party  of  English  and  friend 
Indians,  ahead  of  the  main  army,  to 
Brown's  and  Myles's  Garrisons  ....  17 

Th.      24  Tune        ,,         First  blood,  in  Philip's  War,  shed  either  at 

Swansey  or  Fall  River 15-19 

M.  28  Tune  ,,  A  skirmish  at  Miles's  Bridge,  in  which  Wil- 
liam Hammond  was  killed 


24 


185 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE   OF   EVENTS. 


Day  of 

Week. 


Day  of 

Month. 


Year. 


EVENT. 


Page. 


T. 


w. 


Th. 
F. 


Th. 

F. 
S. 
M. 


29  June 
-July 

7July 


8  July 

9July 


15  July 

16  July 

i7July 

19  July 


10  Dec. 


*675 


The  troops,  marched  into  Mount-Hope  Neck 
to  Keekkamuit,  by  a  blunder,  fired  upon 
each  other,  wounding  Ensign  Savage ; 
found   eight   English    heads,  and   Philip's 

staved  drums 22-24 

The  English  begin  to  build  a  fort  at  Keek- 

kamttit 25 

Captain  Fuller  and  Church,  with  six  files, 
start   for   Pocasset,    and    get    over    Bristol 

Ferry  to  Rhode  Island 27 

Get  over  to  Pocasset  in  the  night ....  27 

Pease-field  Fight 28-40 

Church  goes  back  to  Rhode-Island  for  provi- 
sions      40 

A   fruitless   expedition    starts   in   pursuit   of 

Weetamoe 40-42 

It  starts  again  in  a  sloop  for  Fall  River,  has 

a  skirmish,  and  gets  back 42-44 

Our  forces  go  from  Mount  Hope  Neck  Fort 

to  Rehoboth 44 

To  Gardner's  Neck 44 

To  Taunton 44 

They  march  to  Pocasset,  and  attack  Philip,  44 

Philip  gets  away  by  rafts  across  the  Taunton 

river,  and  flees  to  the  Nipniuk  Country      .        44-47 
Acushnet  (Dartmouth)  destroyed  by  the  In- 
dians      44 

Another  Fort  built  at  Pocasset 47 

Remainder  of  the  summer  "improved"  in 
nursing  these  Forts,  while  the  Indians  were 
recruiting   in    the    Nipmuk   Country   and 

west  as  far  as  Albany 48 

Church  starts  from  Boston  with  Governor 
Winslow  on  an  expedition  against  the  Nar- 
ragansetts,  and  gets  to  Rehoboth  [to  Myles's 
Garrison?] 49 


186 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  OF  EVENTS. 


Day  of 
Week. 

Day  of 
Month. 

Year. 

EVENT. 

Page. 

S. 

ii  Dec. 

1675 

Goes  down  with  Richard  Smith  the  nearest 
way  over  the  ferries,  to  Wickford,  R.-L,  and 
surprises   iS  of  the  enemy  as  a  present  to 

5o-5  * 

& 

12  Dec. 

?» 

Massachusetts    and    Plymouth    troops,    who 
had  "  marched  round  the  country,"  arrived 

T. 

14  Dec. 

11 

Two    forays    were   made ;   9   Indians  killed, 
12  taken,  and  150  wigwams  burned 

52 

W. 

15  Dec. 

?? 

Several  stragglers  from  the  main  body  of  the 

52 

Th. 

16  Dec. 

jj 

Captain    Prentice    with    his    troop    of   horse 
goes  down    to    Pettaquatnscut,   and    finds 
that  the  Indians  had  burned  Bull's  Garri- 
son, killing  10  men  and  5  women  and  chil- 

52 

F. 

17  Dec. 

5? 

The  Connecticut  troops  arrive  at  the  ruins  of 

Bull's 

52 

S. 

iS  Dec. 

5? 

The    Massachusetts    and     Plymouth    forces 

march  over  and  join  them  at  5  p.m.  . 

52 

S. 

19  Dec. 

5? 

About   1    p.m.    they  reach  the   edge   of   the 
swamp  where  the  Narragansett  fight  took 

52~59 

M. 

20  Dec. 

»? 

Church   and  the   other  wounded   men   suffer 
terribly  with  the  night-march  to  Wickford 
in    the    extreme    cold.      Captain    Belcher 
"mercifully"  arrives  with  a  vessel  "load- 
en  "  with  provisions. 

59 

—  Dec. 

V 

Church  and  other  wounded  carried  over  to 
Rhode-Island.      Massachusetts   and   Plym- 
outh troops  remained,  and  were  re-enforced, 

60-61 

Th. 

27  Jan. 

l67| 

Connecticut  forces  reached  Wickford  again. 
Whole   army,    1600  strong,  started  for  the 

61 

F. 

28  Jan. 

?1 

Attacked  Pumham's  town  in  Warwick 

61-64 

— 

1-7  Feb. 

}) 

Army  returned  home  for  want  of  provisions    . 

64 

Th. 

10  Feb. 

66 

M. 

21  Feb. 

J5 

Medfield  burned 

66 

187 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE   OF   EVENTS. 


Day  of 

Week. 


F. 
F. 


T. 
Th. 

F. 
S. 
W. 


M. 
T. 

W. 


Day  of 
Month. 


Year. 


29  Feb.  '    1 67I 


8-1 1  Mar. 


12  Mar. 
26-28  Mar.1    1 
21  Apr, 


12  May 

19  May 


6  June 

8 June? 

9 June? 

10 June? 

21  June 

11-24  June 

25 June 


26 June 
27 June 

28 June 


676 


EVENT. 


Page. 


Plymouth  Council  of  War  met  at  Marshfield  ; 
and  Church  advised  the  sending  of  300 
soldiers,  one-third  to  be  friend  Indians  ;  but 
the  Council  demurred 66-69 

Church  removes  his  family  from  Duxbury  to 

Rhode-Island 69-70 

Clark's  Garrison,  in  Plymouth,  destroyed       .  71 

Rehoboth  burned 66 

Captain  Wadsworth  and  his  Company  swal- 
lowed up  at  Sudbury 66 

Church's  second  son,  Constant,  born     ...  71 

Captain  Turner  surprises  the  Indians  at  the 
great  falls  of  the  Connecticut,  but  is  him- 
self killed 65 

Church  arrives  at  Plymouth,  and  meets  the 

General  Court 72 

Goes  back,  and  on  his  way  hails  the  Saconet 

Indians 73-75 

Church  goes  to  Newport  to  get  permission  to 

go  and  see  Aruoashonks JJ 

Goes  across  with  Daniel  Wilcocks  to  Treaty 

Rock, and  meets  Awashonks  and  her  Indians        7&~&5 

Plymouth    army    to    be    ready    to    start   for 

Taunton 87 

Fruitless  efforts  to  get  a  vessel,  and  failure  of 

Anthony  Low  to  aid  the  business       .     .     .        86-87 

Peter  is  started  from  Rhode-Island  for  Saco- 
net and  Plymouth,  to  carry  Awashonks's 
submission 87 

Army  arrives  at  Pocasset 88 

Church  goes  over  to  see  Major  Bradford  and 

the  army 88 

Went  back  to  go  to  Awashonks  to  inform  her 
of  the  arrival  of  the  army.  Saw  her,  and  told 
her  what  to  do,  and  returned  to  the  army. 
Peter  and  his  two  Saconet  companions 
appear  before  the  Court  at  Plymouth     .     .  87 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE   OF   EVENTS. 


Day  of 
Week. 

Day  of 

Month. 

Year. 

EVENT. 

Page. 

Th. 

29  June 

1676 

Army  march  to  Punkateese.      Church  goes 

89 

F. 

30  June 

55 

Awashonks  with  her  subjects  make  submis- 
sion at  Pzmkateese  to  Major  Bradford,  and 
are  ordered  to   report  at  Sandwich  in  six 
days,   where  Church    agrees    to  meet  her 

90 

S. 

!July 

55 

Army    goes     back   to   Pocasset   and   over   to 
Mount  Hope,  missing  the  Indians  digging 

T. 

6  July 

55 

The   army   having  got  comfortably  back   to 
Miles's  Garrison,  Church  has  leave  to  keep 
his  promise  with  the  Saconets       .... 

91-92 

93 

F. 

7  July? 

15 

He  reaches  Plymouth,  and  the  same  afternoon 
starts   for    Sandwich.       Major    Bradford's 

S. 

M. 

8  July? 

9  July? 
10  July? 

55 
55 
55 

He  finds  Awashonks  at  Mattapoisett  (Mass.), 

The    Governor    commissions    him,    and    he 
marches  the  same  night  for  the  woods    . 

935 105 

95-100 

100 

101-102 

T. 

11  July? 

55 

Captures  a  lot  of  Indians  in  Middleborough. 
An  onset  is    made  upon  Taunton  by  the 

102, 105 

&. 

12-23  July 
16  July 
1 7-22 July 

55 
55 
55 

Anthony  Collymer  writes  to  his  wife    . 

Church   guards   some   carts  to  Taunton,  and 
pursues    and     captures     Indians     through 
Assawompset   neck,  Acushnet,  Ponagan- 
set,  Mattapoisett,  and    Sififtican,  to  Ply- 

103-104 

104-12 1 

Th. 

24  July 

55 

Church's  commission  is  enlarged      .... 

104 

& 

3°July 

55 

A  post  from  Bridgewater  announces  that  an 
army  of  Indians  is  threatening  to  cross  the 
Titicut  to  their  town  ;  Church  starts  "  by 
the  beginning  of  the  afternoon    exercise," 
and  goes  to  Monponset  (in  Halifax)  that 

123-125 

IS9 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE   OF   EVENTS. 


Day  of 
Week. 


Day  of 

Month. 


Year. 


EVENT. 


Page. 


M. 


w. 

Th. 
F. 


F. 

S. 
T. 


M. 

T. 
W. 


31  July 


i  Aug. 


2  Aug. 

3  Aug- 

4  Aug- 
7-9  Aug.? 

1 1  Aug. 


12  Aug. 

13  Aug. 
15  Aug. 

1-6  Sept.  ? 

8  Sept. 
10  Sept. 


1 1  Sept. 

1 2  Sept. 

13  Sept. 

15-20  Sep. 


1676 


The  "brisk  Bridgewater  lads"  attack  the 
Indians  ;  and  Church,  scouting  towards  the 
town,  hears  the  firing,  but  does  not  join  in 
the  pursuit 

Church  pursues  the  enemy ;  sees  Philip ; 
crosses  on  the  felled  tree,  and  back  at  the 
wading-place  ;  and  takes  many  prisoners   . 

Pursues  further  to  a  swamp  in  Rehoboth  . 

Back,  with  his  prisoners,  to  Bridgewater  . 

Back  safe  to  Plymouth,  with  his  captives  . 

An  expedition  toward  Dartmouth,"  and  the 
capture  of  Satn  J3arrozv 

Starts  on  another  expedition  to  Pocasset,  and 
goes  over  the  ferry  to  see  his  wife  at  Major 
Sanford's  ;  hears  that  Philip  is  at  Mount 
Hope,  and  hastens  immediately  to  attack 
him 

Philip  is  killed 

Church  back  at  Rhode-Island 

Starts  on  his  return  to  Plymouth       .... 

Goes  out  towards  Agawom  (in  Wareham), 
after  Tispequin 

Starts  again  for  Rhode-Island  after  Annawon 

A  post  informs  him  of  Indians  on  Poppa- 
squash  neck  (in  Bristol)  ;  he  starts  and 
scouts  after  them        

Church  takes  prisoners,  follows  their  guide, 
reaches  Annawon!  s  camp  in  Squannakonk 
swamp  (in  Rehoboth)  about  dark,  and 
captures  him  with  all  his  men,  &c,  &c.  . 

Takes  his  prisoners  to  Taunton,  where  they 
refresh  and  rest  over  night 

Taking  Annawon,  Church  goes  back  to 
Rhode-Island,  sending  the  rest  of  his  com- 
pany and  prisoners  to  Plymouth    .... 

Starts  for  Plymouth,  with  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, and  Annawon 


124-125 


126-129 
129-130 

I3I-I37 

138 


J39 


140-144 
145-151 

J52 

!52 

175-178 
J53 


154-158 

t59-i73 

174-175 

i75 
i75 


190 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE   OF   EVENTS. 


Day  of 
Week. 


Day  of 

Month. 


M. 


—  Nov. 


i5Jail- 


Year. 


1676 


167^ 


EVENT. 


Church  waits  on  Governor  Leverett  in 
Boston 

The  General  Court  of  Plymouth  Colony 
tender  him  a  vote  of  thanks 

Church  is  again  commissioned  by  Governor 
Winslow,  and  goes  out,  and  takes  "  divers 
parties  of  Indians,"  including  old  Con- 
science of  Swansey  ;  which  ends  these  An- 
nals of  the  War 


Page. 

i7S 
179 

179-182 


191 


INDEX. 


t 


25 


INDEX. 


The  Arabic  figures  refer  to  the  page  in  the  body  of  the  work ;  the  Roman 
numerals  to  the  Introductory  portion.     Names  in  italics  are  those  of  Indians. 


A. 


Abram,  Zechary,  18. 

Acufhnet,  xxi.  109,  119. 

Agawam  in  Wareham,  95,  140. 

Aham,  85. 

Akkompoin,  126. 

Alderman,  the  flayer  of  Philip,  40, 
147-152. 

Alexander,  or  Wamfutta,  brother  of 
Philip,  12. 

Allen,  Rev.  James,  35;  Samuel,  124 
bis. ;  Squire,  16. 

Almy,  31  ;  Chriftopher,  xxix ;  Horace, 
36;  Job,  xxiii;  Capt.  John,  xx.  1,  6, 
31,  71,  141  ;   Samuel,  36. 

Alfop,  Key,  65;  Mary,  65. 

Ames,  John,  124. 

Amos,  Capt.,  134. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  50. 

Annatvon,  xxi.  131,  149,  153,  163;  cap- 
ture of,  163-175;  date  of  that  event 
difcuffed,  154,  155 ;  put  to  death 
contrary  to  Church's  with,  179. 


AmimpaJJi,  5. 

Appleton,  Major  Samuel,  49. 

Apponeganfett,  45.  See  "  Ponegan- 
fett." 

Arnold,  quoted,  17;  BenedicT:,  38 ;  Lion, 
xxx v i. ;  Penelope,  3S;  Rev.  Samuel, 
127  ;   Seth,  xxvii. 

Affawampfett,  Pond  and  Neck,  13,  68, 
107,  121,  123. 

Affonett  Neck,  6S. 

AJfoivi 'tough,   106. 

AJuhmequn,  a  name  of  Majfafoit,  164. 

Atvq/konks,  a  female  fachem,  xix.  xx. 
xxv.  xxxiv.  1,  4,  6,  7,  9,  25,  75,  76, 
80,  82,  89,  90,  96,  97,  98,  99;  invited 
by  Philip  to  join  in  war  with  the  col- 
onifts,  6  ;  her  interview  with  Church, 
7  ;  is  detached,  with  her  fubjects,  by 
the  addrefs  of  Church,  from  the  party 
of  Philip,  and  fubmits  to  the  Ply- 
mouth government,  80-S4,  87  ;  thefe 
Indians  prove  ferviceable  and  faith- 
ful, 112,  120.  See  "Peter  Awa- 
lhonks." 


195 


INDEX. 


B. 


Backus,  quoted,  112. 

Bailey,  Benjamin,  xlvi ;  Charles,  ibid.; 
Cornelius,  ibid. ;  Francis,  xlv. ; 
George,  xlv.  xlvi ;  Guido,  124;  Han- 
nah, xlv.  xlvi. ;  John,  xxxv. ;  Jofhua, 
xlii. ;  Ruth,  xlv.  bis.  xlvi ;  Samuel, 
xlv.  bis.  xlvi.  bis.  ;  Sarah,  xlv.  xlvi. ; 
Thomas  xlvi. ;  William,  xlv.  bis. 
xlvi. 

Baker,  William,  xvi. 

Barnes,  John,  114;  Jonathan,  ibid.; 
Mary,   ibid. 

Barrow,  Sam.,  134,  139. 

Bartlett,  John  R.,  acknowledgment  of 
aid  from  him,  xiii. ;  Jofeph,  135; 
Robert,  xvi. 

Baxter,  Thomas,  43. 

Bayley,  John,  xxxii. 

Baylies,  quoted,  147;  William,  137. 

Beare,  Richard,  xix.  xx.  3. 

Beedle,  Jofeph,  3. 

Beers,  Capt.  Richard,  4S. 

Belcher,  Andrew,  20,  59 ;  Rev.  Jofeph, 
20. 

Bell,  James,  142. 

Bendall,  Freegrace,  35. 

Ben  Pctananuett,  12. 

Betty  AwaJIionks,  6. 

Billington,  Jofeph,  94. 

Bilhop,  Richard,  xix.  3. 

Blackman,  Jonathan,  xxxvi. 

Blifs,  Seneca,  166. 

Blood,  firftrhed  in  Philip's  War,  18,  19. 

Bompaffe,  Edward,  176. 

Borden,  Jefferfon,  xxxii.;  John,  143; 
Richard,  xxxii.;  Thomas,  1. 

Bradford,  Major  William,  xx.  16,  49, 
88,  89,  90,  104. 

Bradifh,  Robin,  105. 

Bradftreet,  Gov.  Simon,  53. 

Brattle,  Capt.  Thomas,  122. 


Brenton,  Mr.,  141;  Mary,  115;  Wil- 
liam, Governor  of  Rhode-Ifland,  115, 
142,  149. 

Bridgewater,  123-126. 

Briggs,  Jeremiah,  xlvi. ;  Job,  ibid.  ;  Ke- 
zia,  ibid. ;  Sarah,  xlv. ;  William 
xxxvi. 

Briftol,  R.  I.,  xxiv.  xxvi.  xxviii.  157; 
church  formed  in,  xxvii. 

Brookfield  deftroyed,  48. 

Brown,  Jabez,  13  ;  John,  13  ;  James,  13 
bis.,  18,  156. 

Brownell,  Jofeph,  77. 

Bull,  Jerah,  his  garrifon  taken,  52. 

Bump,  John,  176. 

Burge,  Thomas,  xxx.  xxxv. 

Burges,  Efther,  xxxvi. 

Burroughs,  James,  xvii.  xxvii.  xxxi. 

Butterworth,  Jonathan,  13. 

Byfield,  Nathaniel,  xxiv.  xxv.  xxx.  156. 

Byram,  Nicholas,  124. 


Capture  of  Annawon,  163-175;  the  date 
difcuffed,  154,  155. 

Carpenter,  Alice,  wife  of  Gov.  Bradford, 
26. 

Carr,  Robert,  141. 

Cary,  John,  xxiv.  xlii. 

Cafe,  Anna,  xxviii. ;  James,  ibid. 

Chadwick,  Mary,  xxxvi. 

Chandler,  Samuel,  3. 

Chafe,  William  H.,  77. 

Cheffawanucke  [Hoglfland],  xxv. 

Chettenden,  Ifacke,  15. 

Chittenden,  Ifaac,  106. 

Chowahunna,  87. 

Chronological  Table  of  Events,  185-191 . 

Church,  Benjamin,  perfonal  memoir 
of,  xvii.-xxxvii. ;  fummaryof  his  ad- 
ventures   in    "  Philip's   War,"  xix.- 


196 


INDEX. 


xxi. ;  location  of  his  houi'e,  xxxii. 
xxxiv.  II  ;  his  death,  xxxvii. ;  inven- 
tory of  his  eftate,  xxxviii. ;  no  por- 
trait exifts  of  him,  xlii. ;  his  Epiftle 
"  To  the  Reader,"  liii. ;  his  inter- 
view with  Awafhonks,  7-11,  80-85; 
with  Gov.  Winflow,  51,  52,  93,  94; 
furprifes  and  kills  Philip,  145-14S; 
captures  Annawon,  153-175.  [For  his 
military  adventures,  fee  Chronologi- 
cal Table  of  Events.] 

Church.  Benjamin,  "  vendue  mafter," 
ix. ;  furnilhed  materials  for  a  biog- 
raphy of  Col.  Church,  x.;  his  "Ode 
Heroica,"  x.  xi.  xliii. 

Church,  Benjamin,  of  tory  memory,  ix. 

Church,  Alice,  xxxviii.  xli. ;  Anna, 
xlvi. ;  Benjamin,  xliv.  quater.  xlv. 
bis.  xlvi.  bis.  xlvii. ;  Betfey,  xlvi.  ; 
Caleb,  xxx. ;  Charles,  xxxiv.  xlii. 
xliv.  xlv.  xlvi.  ter. ;  Conftant,  xxxiv. 
xxxvi.  xlii.  xliv.  xlv.  bis.  xlvi.  bis., 
71;  Conftantine,  xlvi.;  Deborah, 
xxxvi. ;  Edward,  "  vendue  mafter," 
ix.  xliv. ;  Elizabeth,  xliv.  ter.  xlv. 
ter.  xlvi. ;  Francis,  xlvi. ;  Gamaliel, 
xlvi. ;  George,  xlvi.  xlvii. ;  Hannah, 
xliv.  xlv.  xlvi.  xlvii. ;  Jeremiah  B., 
xlvi. ;  Jofeph,  xxxii.  3,  5 ;  Kezia, 
xlvi. ;  Martha,  xlii.  xliv.  xlv. ;  Mary, 
xliv.  xlv.  xlvi.  ter. ;  Mercy,  xliv. 
xlvi.  bis.;  Nathaniel,  xliv.  xlv. ;  Oba- 
diah,  xlvi. ;  Peter,  xlvi.  xlvii.  ter.  ; 
Prifcilla,  xxxv.  xxxvii.  xliv.;  Rich- 
ard, the  original  emigrant,  particu- 
lar account  of,  xvi.  xvii. ;  Ruth, 
xlvi.  bis.  ;  Sarah,  xliv.  bis.  xlv.  xlvi. 
ter. ;  Thomas,  xxxiv.  xxxv.  xxxvi. 
xlii.  xliv.  sexies,  xlv.  xlvi.  bis. ;  Wil- 
liam, xlvi.  bis.  xlvii. 

Church's  Point,  in  Little  Compton,  77. 

Church,  Samuel,  an  Indian  teacher,  85. 

Churchill,  Charles,  the  poet,  xliii. 


Clapp,  Job,  xlvi. 

Clark,  Jeremiah,  29;  Dr.  John,  58; 
Latham,  xxxii. ;  Mary,  29. 

Clarke,  J.  G.,  52. 

Clark's  Garrifon  at  Eel  River,  in  Ply- 
mouth, deftroyed,  70,  71. 

Coakfett,  in  Dartmouth,  109. 

Cobbit,  "  the  fchoolmafter,"  xxvi. 

Coe,  Samuel,  xxxvi. 

Cole,  Hugh,  3,  11;  James,  1,  3,  135; 
Mary,  1. 

Collamer,  Jacob,  104. 

Collamore,  Elizabeth,  106;  Martha, 
ibid.  ;  Mary,  ibid. ;  Peter,  3,  105, 
106 ;   Sarah,   106. 

Collamore's  Ledge,  off  Scituate,  106. 

Collymer  [Collamore],  Anthony,  his 
letter  to  his  wife,   105. 

Colomore,  Peter,  3. 

Collier,  Elizabeth,  xvii.  26. 

Commiffion  of  Capt.  Church,  100; 
another,   180. 

Commiffioners  of  the  United  Colonies 
fend  a  ftrong  force  to  attack  the 
Narraganfetts,  48. 

Confcience  of  Swanzey,  181. 

Cook,  Caleb,  147,  narrowly  miffed  be- 
ing the  flayer  of  Philip,  164;  Eliza- 
beth, 78;  Francis,  112,  147;  Jacob, 
147;  John,  112,  147;  Jofiah,  xxvii.  3; 
Mary,  138;   Silvanus,  147. 

Cory,  Roger,  xxxiii. ;  Thomas,  ibid. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  of  Plymouth,  101, 
127,   128. 

Council  of  War,  how  conftituted,  14, 
15;  order  captive  Indians  to  be  fold, 
46 ;  rejeift  Capt.  Church's  advice  con- 
cerning a  vigorous  profecution  of 
the  war,  68 ;  afterwards  adopt  it,  72  ; 
their  order  requiring  every  man  to 
abide  in  the  town  where  he  belongs, 
69. 

Crandall,  Samuel,  xxx. 


197 


INDEX. 


Cranfton,  John,  Gov.  of  Rhode  Ifland, 
28,  115;  made  an  M.D.  by  the  Leg- 
iflature  of  Rhode-Ifland,  29;  Samuel, 
Gov.  of  do.,  29. 

CroJJ~ma?t,  xxii. 

Cudworth,  Capt.  James,  16,  47. 

Cufhen  [Cufhing],  xxviii. 

Cuming,  105;  John,  3. 

Cufhman,  A.  S.,  xlii. 

Culhnet  [afterwards  Dartmouth],  109. 

Cuthbert,  William,  xxxiv. 

Cuttler,  Dr.,  142. 


D. 


Danforth,  Rev.  Samuel,  85. 

Dartmouth  deftroyed,  45. 

Davenport,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  49.  53. 

David,  87. 

Davis,  Judge,  quoted,  15,  52,  127. 

Dean,  G.,  175;  Martha,  3. 

Deane,  Charles,   xliii. ;    Rev.    Samuel, 

quoted,  24. 
Deerfield  burned,  48. 
Delano,  Jonathan,  114. 
De  la  Noye  [Delano],  Philip,  114. 
Defcendants    of    Col.    Church,    xliv.- 

xlvii. 
Dexter,  Franklin  B. ;  acknowledgment 

of  aid  from  him,  xiv.  113. 
Dodfon,  Jonathan,  xxxi. 
Doged  [Doggett],  John,  xvii. 
Dotey,  widow,  135. 
Downing,  Ann,  53  ;  Emanuel,  ibid. 
Drake,  Samuel  G.,  a  former  editor  of 

this  Hiftory,  xi,  xii. ;   quoted,  15,  20, 

22,  98,  120,  126,   127,    131,   154,   174, 

176. 
Dudley,  Gov.  Jofeph,  xxxiii. 
Dyer,    Maherfhalalhafhbaz    [from    Ifa, 

8:  1],  114. 


E. 


Eames,  Mark,  14. 

Earl,  Ralph,  45. 

Earle,  William,  xxiv. 

Eafton's  Narrative,  quoted,  17. 

Eaton,  Daniel,  xxx. 

Edmunds,  Andrew,  47. 

Edfon,  Jofeph,  124;  Jofiah,  ibid. ;  Sam- 
uel, ibid. 

Eels,  John,  45;  Nathaniel,  ibid. ;  Capt. 
Samuel,  ibid. 

Eldridge,  Daniel,  51 ;  James,  ibid. ; 
John,  ibid.;  Samuel,  ibid.;  Thomas, 
ibid. 

Eliot,  John,  the  Apoftle,  8,  12,  et  alibi. 

Elizabeth  Klands,  73. 

Enliftment,  Indian  manner  of,  99. 


Fairhaven,  112,  118. 

Fales,  Sarah,  xlvii. 

Fall  River,  xxix.  xxx.  xxxi.  xxxii.  xxxiii. 

2,  19,  41,42,  48. 
Fallowell,  John,  147. 
"Falls  Fight,"  65. 
Faft,  Proclamation  for  a,  15. 
Felix,  106. 
Feffenden,  G.   M.,  acknowledgment  of 

aid  from  him,  xiii. ;  quoted,  15,  25, 

160. 
Field,  John,  124. 
Fiflier,  Rev.  Abiel,  quoted,  18. 

Fleming,  ,  xlv. 

Fobes,  Edward,  3,   113;   John,  3,  113; 

Mary,  xxxiv. ;   William,  xxviii.    113; 

Rev.  Perez,  a  tradition  mentioned  by 

him  doubted,  152. 
Fogland  Point,  34,  36,  71,  77. 
Fofter,   John,     his     almanac    for    1676 

quoted,  154. 


198 


INDEX. 


Fowler,  Rev.  Orin,  quoted,  xxxii.  42, 
44. 

French,  Richard,  xx. 

Friend,  Sir  John,  his  execution,  151. 

Fuller,  Edward,  26;  Matthew,  Captain 
and  "  Surjean-Generall,"  14,  26,  40, 
58;  Noah,  166;  Samuel,  26,  67. 


Gardner's  Neck,  in  Mount-Hope   Bay, 

19;  ^Si- 
Gardner,  Capt.  Jofeph,  49,  53  ;  Thomas, 

53- 
Gallop,  Samuel,  xlii. 
Gallup,  Capt.  John,  49,  53. 
Genealogy  of  the  defcendants  of  Col. 

Church,  xliv.-xlvii. 
George,  6,  75,  79,  So,  87. 
Gill,  John,  20,  35. 
Golding,    Capt.    Roger,   38,    142,    144, 

146. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  20,  172. 
Gordon,  John,  124. 

Gorham,  Gorum,    Capt.  John,  49,  156. 
Gorton,  Samuel,  13. 
Gould  Ifland,  38, 
Gould,  Thomas,  38. 
Grave-ftone  of  Col.  Church,  xxxviii. 
Gray,  Edward,  xviii.  xxiii.  xxiv.  xxix. 

106. 
Green,    Bartholomew,    printer   of   the 

original  edition  of  this  work,  viii. 
Green,  Capt.,  141. 
Grey,  Thomas,  xli. 
Gun  that  killed  Philip,  147. 
Gulhee  Pond,  131. 


H. 


Hammond,    Elizabeth,    20;     William, 
ibid. 


Harding,  Jofeph,  xxvii. 

Harris,  141 ;  Ifaac,  124. 

Hatfield  affailed,  48. 

Hathaway,  Arthur,  xxiii. 

Haven,  Samuel  F.,  acknowledgment  of 

aid  from,  xiii.  104. 
Havens,  Jack,  91,  97. 
Hawes,  Richard,  135. 
Hawkins,  Dr.,  142. 
Hayman,  Sarah,  xliv. 
Hayward,  Haward,  Capt.,  124;  Daniel, 

xxii.   3;    Enfign,   124:  John,  3,    124; 

Nathaniel,  124. 
Hazelton,  Haftleton,  Charles,  7. 
Head,  Henry,  xxxii. ;  Mary,  xxxiv. 
Hedge,  Elizabeth,  114;  William,  ibid. 
Henchman,    Capt.  Daniel,   18,  41,  44, 

47,  122. 
Herendean,  Benjamin,  47;  Mary,  ibid. 
Hilliard,    Jonathan,    xxxvi. ;    William, 

xxxii. 
Hinckley,  Daniel,  85 ;  Thomas,  78. 
Hog  Ifland,  xxv. 
Holmes,  Mary,  16. 

Hopkins,  Damaris,  147  ;   Stephen,  147. 
Howard,  Matthew,  xxviii. 
Howland,   Ifaac,   132,    133 ;    Jabez,   94, 

95.  97.  J39>  *53,  l61 5  John>  94;  John 
B.,  11;  J.  M.,  113. 

Hubbard,  Ifrael,  xxxi. 

Hubbard,  William,  the  hiftorian,  quo- 
ted, fajjim. 

Huckens,  Thomas,  15. 

Hull,  Capt.  John,  35. 

Hunter,  Capt.  John,  43. 

Hutchinfon,  Thomas,  quoted,  148. 


Indian  dance,  7,  99;  drums,  24;  bury- 

ing-place,  160. 
Indians,    order    of    court    concerning, 

xxii. ;  their  hoftile  defigns  fufpected, 


199 


INDEX. 


5  ;  the  authorities  flow  to  believe,  8 ; 
beginning  of  the  war,  15  ;  their  bar- 
barities, 19;  their  mode  of  march- 
ing, 123;  their  call  to  each  other, 
158,  160;  their  currency  [rvompom~\, 
172  ;  reduced  to  flavery,  46,  181,  182  ; 
their  entire  difappearance  from  Sac- 
onet  [Little  Compton],  85;  Indians 
are  employed  by  Capt.  Church,  as 
auxiliaries,  with  happy  results,  in 
the  latter  weeks  of  the  war,  87,  112, 
120,  129-131,  139,  143,  145,  147,  157- 
162,  175. 

Inventory  of  Col.  Church's  eftate, 
xxxviii. 

Irifh,  Content,  xxxv. ;  John,  xxiii.  xxxv. 
3  bis. 

Ifacke,  12. 


J- 


Jack  Havens,  91,  97. 

James,  86. 

Jeffery,  103. 

Jo/mm,  5. 

Johnfon,  Capt.  Ifaac,  43,  49,  53. 

Jones,  William,  149. 

Joflen,  Thomas,  133. 


K. 


Kent,  Dorothy,  13. 

Keith,  Rev.  James,  127. 

Keekkamuit,  fee 

Kikemuit  River,  7,  23,  24,  25. 

Killed    and   wounded    in    the    Swamp 

Fight,  53. 
Kingfley,  Eldad,  iS. 
Kingfton,  16. 


Lake,  David,  xxi.  xxiv.  31,  32  ;  Thomas, 

xxi.  32. 
Lakenham,  176. 

Lakeville,  13,  10S;  fee  Sampfon's  Tav- 
ern. 
Latham,  Williams,  acknowledgment  of 

aid  from,  xiii,  125. 
Lawton,  Thomas,  1. 
Layton  [Leighton],  Thomas,  19. 
Leach,  Samuel,  124. 
Lee,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Briftol,  xxvii. 
Lenthal,  Anna,  45  ;  Rev.  Robert,  45. 
Leverett,  John,  Gov,  178. 
Lightfoot,  in,  118,  129,  157,  159. 
Lindall,   Abigail,  66;   James,  66;    [he 

was  of  Duxbury.~] 
Linkhorn  [Lincoln?]  141. 
Little    Compton,    xxxii.    xxxiii.    xxxiv. 

xxxv.   xli.   1,    11,  73,  85;    a    church 

formed  there,  xxxiii. 
Little  Eyes,  10,  no,  118. 
Lothrop,  Ifaac,  152;  John,  147. 
Low,  Anthony,  86 ;  John,  ibid. 
Lowell,  141. 
Lucas,  Benoni,  135  ;  John,  ibid.;  Mary, 

ibid.;  Samuel,  ibid.;  Thomas,  ibid.; 

William,  ibid. 


M. 


Mamanuah,  4,  6. 

Manchefter,  John,  xlv. 

Marchant,  Judge  M.,  52. 

Marfhall,  Robert,   114;    Capt.  Samuel, 

49.  53- 
Mafon,  Capt.  John,  49,  53. 
Majfafoit,    xxv.    14;     a    great   warrior, 

174. 
Mattapoifett  River,  96,  119. 


INDEX. 


Mattapoifett     Neck     [now     Gardner's 

Neck],    in    Swanzey,    19,    159. 
Mather,  Cotton,  quoted,  137,  151,  152. 
Mather,   Increafe,  quoted,  64,   90,    106, 

120,  125,  127,  137,  143,  148,  149,  151, 

152. 
Matthias,  133. 
Merrick,  William,  3. 
Miantunnomoh,  117. 
Middleborough,  13  ;  fee  Namafket. 
Miller,  John,  47. 
Mitchel,    Conftant,     113;     Experience, 

106,    113. 
Mohawks,    Philip     takes    refuge    with 

them,  64. 
Mohegans,   allies  of  the   colonifts,  but 

unfaithful  in    the  "  Swamp    Fight," 

55- 

Mommynexvit,    William,  5. 

Momponfet,  in  Halifax,  xxi.  103,  124. 

Montaup,  or  Mount  Hope,  7. 

Morton,  Ephraim,  14;  Nathaniel,  15, 
16. 

Money,  Capt.  Samuel,   18,  49,  58,  122. 

Mount  Hope,  2,  7,  15,  144;  called  Brif- 
tol,  xxiv. 

Mjles,  Rev.  John,  minifter  at  Swan- 
zey, 16,  18. 


N. 


Namafket  [Middleborough],  102,  106. 

Namum-pam,  4,  12. 

Narraganfett  Indians  fufpecfted,  48 ; 
their  territory,  ibid.  ;  a  ftrong  force 
fent  againft  them,  49  ;  this  force  how 
proportioned,  ibid.  ;  thefe  Indians 
totally  vanquished,  53-58. 

Nathaniel,  157. 

Netops,  meaning  of  the  word,  64,  98. 

Newman,  Rev.  Noah,  47. 

Niles,  Rev.  Samuel,  quoted,  19,  152. 

26  : 


Nipmuck  country,  its  fuppofed  extent, 

61. 
Nokehick,  parched  meal,  146. 
Nomquid,  xxxi.  90. 
Northfield  attacked,  48. 
Numpas,  or  NompaJJi,  12,  77. 
Numpouce,  5. 
Nunkateft  Pond,  131. 


O. 


Occape,  occapeeches,  Indian  name  for 

rum,  81. 
"  Ode  Heroica,"  x. 
Oliver,  Capt.  James,  49,  53,  55,  59. 
Oliver,  Peter,  his  malignity,  151. 
Order  of  court  concerning  Indians,  xxii. 
Ofomchexv,  5. 
Oxenbridge,  Rev.  John,  35. 


Pabodie,  William,  xvii.  xviii.  xxi.  xxiii. 

xxiv.  xxv.  xxvii.  xxx.  xli.  3,  4. 
Pachet  Brook,  2,  4,  11. 
Packard,  John,  124,  bis. 
Pacujlchcjl,  5. 
Paine,  Hannah,  xlv. ;    Nathaniel,   xlii. 

11. 
Palfrey,  John  G.,  dedication  to  him,  v. ; 

quoted,  17,  150,  154,  172,  173. 
Palmer,  John,  xxxi. 
PamontaquaJJi,  106. 
Panoquin,  11 'J. 

Parfons,  Uflier,  quoted,  2,  19,  24. 
Pafcamanfet  River,  109,  112. 
"  Peafe-field  Fight,"  33-40,  82. 
Peck,  Nathaniel,  86. 
Peckham,    George  H.,  xxxiv. ;    James, 

xxviii. 
Peirfe,  James,  135. 


INDE  X. 


Pequot,  the  word  explained,  S3. 
Perkins,    Sir    William,    his    execution, 

Petananuet,  11,  77- 

Peter  AzvaJJionks,  xx.  6,  77,  87,  149. 

Peter  Nuunuit,  11,  77- 

Petonozvozvet,  II. 

Pettaquamfcut,  52. 

Petuxet  River,  47. 

Philip,  xix.  xx.  xxi.  5,  7,  9,  et  fajfim  ; 
his  death,  147  ;  treatment  of  his  dead 
body,  150;  his  "  royalties,"  or  rega- 
lia, furrendered  by  Annawon  to 
Capt.  Church;  what  became  of 
them?  173,   174. 

Pierce,  Capt.  Michael,  67,  70. 

Pinfon,  Thomas,  4. 

Plymouth,  orders  of  court,  xxii.  2  ;  the 
Court  proclaim  a  faft,  15;  Court 
order  refpecting  prifoners,  101. 

Plummer,  Mary,  114. 

Pocaffet  [Tiverton],  xx.  xxi.  xxii.  xxiii. 
xxiv.  xli.  11,  12,  41,  43,  47,  89,  140. 

Pokanokett,  15. 

Poneganlet,  45,  109. 

Pope,  Thomas,  4. 

Poppafqualh  Neck,  in  Briftol,  xxv.  xxx. 
156,  158. 

Pofotoquo,  5. 

Potock,  59. 

Pouwau,  Powow,  an  Indian  conjurer, 
177. 

Powder-mill,  firft  in  New  England,  35. 

Pratt,  Nathan,  166;  Stillman,  125. 

Prentice,  Capt.  Thomas,  18,  20.  49.  52. 

Preflong,  Nicolas,  4. 

Price,  John,  4. 

Prince,  Gov.  Thomas,  6;  dies,   10. 

Prince,  Thomas,  the  annalift,  quoted, 

30. 
Proportion  of  men  and  money  required 
from  each  town  in  Plymouth  Colony, 
68. 


Proprietors  of  Saconet,  their  names,  3; 

their  agreement,  4. 
Providence  burned,  72. 
Prudence  Ifland,  155. 
Pumham,  50,  61,  117. 
Punkateaft,   Punkateefet,   Punkatees,  a 

neck  in  Tiverton,  alio  called  Pocaffet 

Neck,    xviii.    xix.    xxi.    xxiii.    xxvii. 

xxxi.  3,  31.  34,  36,  82. 
Punkatees  Fight,  33-40. 


Quaboag  [Brookfield]  deftroyed,  40. 
Quannapohut,  James,  18. 
Quannajbohut,  Thomas,  18. 
Quequechan  River,  now  Fall  River,  2, 

42. 
Quinnapin,  Qiinnafii??,  117,  127,  128. 
Qitiquequanchett,  12. 

R. 

Rawfon,  Rev.  Grindal,  85. 

Rattlefnakes,  30. 

Reformado,  Church  was  one  ;  meaning 

of  the  term,  49. 
Revere,  Paul,  xi.  xii. ;  his  portraits  of 

Church,  and  of  Philip,  xi. 
Reyner,  Rev.  John,  112. 
Reynolds,  Mary,  xlvi. 
Rhode-Ifland,  why  excluded    from   the 

Confederacy.  17. 
Richard,  Eleazar,  153. 
Richards,  Alice,  16. 
Richmond,     Anna,     xlvi. ;     Benjamin, 

ibid.  ;     Charles,     ibid.  ;     Elizabeth, 

ibid.  ;    Hannah,   ibid.  ;   John,    xxiii. 

4,  77;  Mary,  xlvi.  bis.;  Perez,  ibid.; 

Ruth,  ibid.  ;  Sarah,  ibid. ;  Sjlvefter, 

ibid.;  Thomas,  ibid.;  William,  ibid., 

bis. 


INDE  X. 


Robinfon,  Rowland,  xxvi. 

Rochefter,  13. 

Rogers,  John,  xviii.  3. 

Rofbotham,  Alice,  xlv. ;  Benjamin,  xlv ; 
Elizabeth,  xxxvi.  xlv. ;  Hannah,  xlv. ; 
Joieph,  xxxiii.  xxxv.  xlv. 

Ronfe,  John,  xxvii.  xxxiv.  3  bis.  ;  Si- 
mon, 3. 

Rowlandfon,  Mrs.  Mary,  117. 

Ruffell,  John,  45. 


S. 


Sabin,    Sabine,    Benjamin,    93 ;    Jona- 
than, ibid.  ;  Jofeph,  ibid. ;  Samuel, 

ibid. ;  William,  ibid. 
Sachueefet,    or    Sachueft,    on    Rhode- 

Ifland,  89. 
Saconet,  or  Sauconet  [Little  Compton], 

xviii.     xxi.    xxii.     xxiii.    xxv.    xxvii. 

xxxii.    1,   2,  3,  4,  6,   11,  73,  89. 
Saffin,  John,  xxv. 
Sam  Barrow,  134,  139. 
Samplbn,  Abraham,  3  ;  Elizabeth,  xlii. 

xlv. ;  John,  xxxvi.  xlii.  xlv.  ter. 
Sampibn's  Tavern,  now  the  Lakeville 

Houfe,  108. 
Sanderfon,  Robert,  35. 
Sandy  Point,  143. 
Sanford,  John,   115;  Major  Peleg,  xxi. 

88,  115,  141,  142,  144,  146;  Samuel, 

xxviii. 
Sajfamon,    Saujamau,   John,    5,  6,    12, 

106 ;  reveals  Philip's  defigns,  and  is 

murdered   by   him,    12. 
Savage,    Lieut.    Perez,    wounded,    23 ; 

again    wounded    in     the    "  Swamp 

Fight,"  23,  142 ;  death,  23 ;  Thomas, 

Major,  23,  65. 
Schaghticoke,  64. 

Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.,  quoted,  99,  170. 
Sconticut  Neck,  117. 


Seconit,  or  Sekonit;   see  Saconet. 

Seekonk  burned,  72. 

Seely,  Capt.  Robert,  49,  53. 

Shaw,  William,  xxxv. 

Shawomet  [Warwick],  50. 

Sheffield,  Amos,  xxxv. 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  quoted,  xxvii. 

xxviii. 
Sherman's   Almanac  for  1676,  quoted, 

154- 

Sherman,  Richard,  of  Portfmouth,  R. 
I.,  acknowledgment  of  aid  from  him, 
xiii.  71,  141,  143;   William,  3,  22. 

Shirtlife,  Shurtleff,  William,  4. 

Shore,  James,  149. 

Sibley,  John  Langdon,  acknowledg- 
ment  of  aid   from   him,  xiii. 

Simons,  Thomas,  4. 

Sippican,  xxi.  95. 

Slavery  of  Indians,  46,  181,  182. 

Smalley,  John,  3. 

Smith,  Major  Richard,  49. 

Snell,  Mary,  xxxvi. ;  Samuel,  ibid. 

Sogkdnate ;  fee  Saconet. 

S  o/ic  katva  kkam,  85. 

Southwick,  Solomon,  publisher  of  the 
fecond  edition  of  this  tract,  ix.  xliii. 

Southworth,  Alice,  xvii.  xliv.  B.  [?], 
35 ;  Conftant,  xvii.  xviii.  xxxiii.  3, 
4>  25>  93>  156;  Edward,  xxxiv.  25, 
35;  Elizabeth,  113;  Nathaniel,  35, 
95 ;  William,  xxvii.  35. 

SowagoniJ/i,  117. 

Sowams  [Warren],  7. 

Sprague,  Francis,  45. 

Springfield  attacked,  48. 

Squakeag  [Northfield]  affaulted,  4S. 

Squannakonk  Swamp,  in  Rehoboth, 
131,   161,    162,    166. 

Standifh,  Miles,  16.  26. 

Stanton,  John,  29. 

Staples,  William  R.,  acknowledgment 
of  aid  from  him,  xiii.  46,  71. 


203 


INDEX. 


Stiles,  Rev.  Ezra,  quoted,  ix.  xxxvii. 
13,   52,   60. 

Studfon  [Stetfon],  Robert,  15. 

Sturgis,  Edward,  43. 

Succanotvaffacke,  8j. 

Suckqua,  5. 

Sudbury  Fight,  66. 

Sumerfbury,   141. 

"Swamp  Fight,"  Great,  53-58;  its  lo- 
cation, 52  ;  the  Indian  fort  defcribed, 
53 ;  number  of  killed  and  wounded, 
ibid. ;  feven  colonial  captains  killed, 
ibid.  ;  Church,  though  not  an  officer, 
has  command  of  thirty  men,  ibid.; 
he  is  wounded,  56 ;  the  Englilh,  be- 
ing in  poffeffion  of  the  fort,  fet  fire 
to  the  wigwams  in  it,  though  Church 
remonftrates,  57,  58 ;  fevere  fuffer- 
ing  of  the  wounded  and  djdng  men, 
59 ;  great  lofs  of  the  Indians,  ibid.  ; 
Church  and  other  Avounded  men  are 
fent  to  Rhode-Ifland,  60;  the  troops 
remain  in  garrifon  at  Wickford,  61. 

Swanfey,  11,  13,  15,  16. 


Taber,  George  H.,  acknowledgment  of 
aid  from,  xiii,  113. 

Taber,  Jofeph,  xxxi. 

Tailer,  Peter,  xxviii. 

Takanumma,  129. 

Talcot,  Major  John,  122,  138. 

Tatacomuncah.  4. 

Tatamanucke,  xxiii. 

Taunton,  16,  44;  attacked,  105. 

Tantozen,  177. 

Tax  laid  on  the  feveral  towns  of  Ply- 
mouth Colony,  68. 

Taylor,  Peter,  xxxvi. 

Taylor's  Lane,  4. 

Thacher,  Anthony,  94;  Bethia,  ibid. 


Thomas,  Nathaniel,  xxi.  xxiii.  xxiv. 
xxx.  4. 

Thompfon,  Cephas,  128. 

Tibbets,  Thomas,  xxxvii. 

Tift,  Jofhua,  55,  59. 

Timberlake,  Hannah,  xliv. 

Tinkham,  Ephraim,  4. 

Tifpaquin,  Tufpaquine,  xviii.  xxi.  106, 
134,  176,  177,  179. 

Titicut,  xx.   123. 

Tiverton,  xxxii.  xxxiii.  xxxiv.  xli.  11, 
14. 

Tobias,  107. 

Toby,  91. 

Tokkamona,  129. 

Tompkins,  Henry  M.,  acknowledgment 
of  aid  from,    xiii. 

Tompkins,  Samuel,  xxxv. 

Tompfon,  John,  xvi.  xviii.  106,  107. 

Totqfon,  Tatofon,  134,  136,  139,  140. 

Tower  Hill,  in  South  Kingftown,  52. 

Treat,  Major  Robert,  49. 

Treaty  Rock,  in  Little  Compton,  77. 

Tripp,  Abiel,  his  ferry,  27,  143. 

Trumbull,  Dr.  Benjamin,  quoted,  148. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  acknowledg- 
ment of  aid  from,  xiv. ;  quoted,  2,  7, 
13,  19,  24,  42,  9S,  156. 

Tubbs,  William,  3. 

Turner,  Thomas,  xxxvi. ;  Capt.  Wil- 
liam, 65. 

Titjpaquin ;    fee  Tifpaquin. 

Tyajks,  TiaJ/iq,  120. 


U,  V. 

Uncompozvett,  Utikompoin,  126. 
Upham,    Lieut.    Phinehas,      wounded, 

142. 
Vaughan,  Eliza,  132;  George,  ibid. 
Vicory,  George,  3. 


204 


INDEX. 


W. 


Wade,  Nicolas,  3. 

Wadfworth,  Benjamin,  66;  Chrifto- 
pher,  ibid. ;  Capt.  Samuel,  killed  in 
the  fight  at  Sudbury,  ibid. 

Wakely,  Thomas,  killed  at  Falmouth, 
177. 

Wakeman,  Helena,  139. 

Walker,  James,  15. 

Wallej,  John,  xxv.  xxvi. ;  Rev.  Thom- 
as,  101. 

Wamfiocs,  John,  176. 

Wamfutta,  xxv.  4,  12 ;  fee  Alexander. 

Ward,  Richard,  xxxvi. 

Warren,  Elizabeth,  xvi. ;  Mercy,  114; 
Nathaniel,  114;  Richard,  xvi.  112.; 
Sarah,  112. 

Warren,  town  of,  13,  15. 

Warwick  burned,  72. 

Waihburn,  John,  3,  124;  Samuel,  124; 
Thomas,  ibid. 

Watts,  Capt.,  49. 

Watufpaqnin,  106;  fee  Tifpaquin. 

Wayetvett,  hufband  of  AivaJJionks,  xxv. 
6. 

Weetamoe,  Wcetamore,  Squaw  Sachem 
of  Pocaffet,  xix.  4,  12,  41,  42,  43. 

Wepoifet,  91. 

Wexvayexvitt,  6 ;  fee   Wayetvett. 

White,  142. 

Whitman,  John,  124. 

Whitmore,  Rev.  Benjamin,  70. 

Wilbor,  Aaron,  xlv.  bis. ;  Abigail, 
xxxvi. ;  Benjamin,  xlv. ;  Francis, 
ibid.  ;  Gray,  76 ;  John,  xlv.  bis.  ; 
Sarah,  ibid.;  Thomas,  ibid.;  Wil- 
liam,  xxxvi.   bis.   xlv. 

Wilcox,  Wilcockes,  Daniel,  xviii.  xxxiii. 
3,  77.  73. 


Willett,  Hezekiah,  xxii. 

Williams,  John,  145 ;    Roger,  46,   156 ; 

Thomas,  3. 
Williams,  Roger,  quoted,  24,  48,  55,  59, 

146,  148,  172,  173,  177. 
Willis,  Comfort,  124;  John,  ibid. 
Windmill  Hill,  11. 
Windmills  on  Rhode-Ifland,  42. 
Winneconnet  Pond,  131. 
Winflow,  Gov.  Jofiah,  xvii.   xx.  3,    10, 

15,  49,  50,  61,  93,  100,  106,  141,  174; 

fends  a  force  to  Swanfey,    15 ;    his 

two    commiffions  to   Capt.  Church, 

100,   180. 
Winflow,    Kenelm,    brother  to    Jofiah, 

xvii. 
Winthrop,  Gov.  John,  xvi.  156. 
Wifwall,  16. 

Witherell,  Witherly,  Sergeant,  142. 
Wodel     [Woodhull  ?]    Gerfhom,  xxxi ; 

William,  xxviii.  xxx. 
Wompom,    the    Indian    currency,  ex- 
plained, 172. 
Wood,    Elizabeth,     xxxvii. ;     Hannah, 

xxxvi. ;     Henry,    xxxiv.    106 ;    John, 

xli. 
Wood's  Hole,  xx. 
Woodberry,  Hugh,  xxxi. 
Woodbury,  Samuel,  xlv. 
Woodman,  Edith,  xliv. ;    John,   xxxiii. 

xliv. 
Woodworth,  Benjamin,  xxxi. ;  Walter, 

4- 

Woonkcfonchunt,  126. 

Woofamequin,  or  Majfajoit,  164. 

Wootonekcnujke,  117,  127. 
Wordell,  Mary,  78. 
Wright,  Richard,  xxiii. 


205 


4  7  m  54 


